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Unease Beneath the Black

Protesters take precautionary measures to protect their privacy.

By Soohyun Kim & Howard Li

Fears underneath the black

As the anti-extradition bill movement continues, a sea of black floods the streets in different parts of Hong Kong nearly every weekend. Hundreds of people wearing black risk their lives every week for the same purpose—to stand up against what they see as creeping interference of Beijing.   

        Hong Kong, the former British colony which is guaranteed a high degree of autonomy from Beijing until 2047, saw a public backlash against the now withdrawn law that would have allowed people to be extradited to China for trials, throughout the summer. 

        “Everyone is separating their lives of protesting and normal life,” a front-line protester who prefers to be identified as a recent graduate from the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) says.

Protesters wear “Black Bloc” to protect identities and prevent themselves from being arrested.

In a bid to protect his own privacy, he  wears “Black Bloc”, a widely used terminology referring to a black outfit – black T-shirt, black sanitary mask, black cloth – commonly worn by anti-government protesters.

Wearing black is not the only measure he takes to protect his identity and prevent himself from being arrested. He also uses a different cell phone with a different contact book and SIM card that allows him to stay off the grid. 

“Even if I get arrested, they (police) can’t find anything from it,” he says. 

Another individual near the frontline, a first aider who requested to be identified as a student of the CUHK, worries that the police might spy on him. He says that as a first aider, he does not fear showing his face, but many in his team use fake names and hide their identities from each other.

“It’s not a matter of privacy. We don’t want to be arrested by the police, because what we are doing is breaking the law. If the police don’t arrest us, I don’t think we have to hide our identities,” he says.

Protesters enable alphabetical and biometric locking systems on their smartphones and disable the functioning of whatever surveillance systems they deem could expose their identities. Some change their clothes, use fake names on social media and put up umbrellas during protests to block police’s  cameras from capturing their images.

  The underlying fear is that revealing their identities at public demonstrations can result in atrocious consequences – getting arrested and charged by the police. 

        Protesters’ concerns over their identities and personal information are also reflected in their reaction to the smart lamppost project, which was being tested by the Hong Kong government as a part of the smart city development scheme. 

A smart lamppost along the road to Kowloon Bay.

       Demonstrators view government lampposts with suspicion and they believe it is a measure to step up surveillance. They tore down lampposts in Kowloon Bay, Kwun Tong and Kai Tak in late August, although the government denied the accusation and said that the lampposts were for monitoring weather, traffic conditions and air quality.  But many protesters believed they could be traced by lampposts suspected to be equipped with artificial-intelligence-powered surveillance software. They fear identity cards or facial-recognition cameras on poles might expose their whereabouts and what they have done during the movement. They are also worried that their data and personal information might be transferred to the Chinese government.

Protection of individuals’ information

        It is, however, unlikely that the government will disclose individuals’ information without consent, according to Michael Jackson, associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong. 

        Jackson points out Hong Kong has Personal Data Privacy Ordinance (PDPO), a set of technology-neutral and principle-based guidelines that safeguard the privacy of individuals’ data or “any information which relates to a living individual and can be used to identify that individual. It must also exist in a form which accesses to or processing of is practicable.”

        As the government is subject to the PDPO, any unintended use of collected data can result in a breach of the ordinance. However, Jackson states that public venues consist of individuals’ privacy interest in a public place, which limits the ability to claim personal privacy rights. 

A protester in “black bloc” is greeted by other protesters in a demonstration.

“Once you place yourself out there, it is difficult to argue that the mere collection of your image is a breach of your privacy rights,” he says.

In view of the PDPO, Jackson reckons that the law has not kept up with technology because some protections are not clearly applied to current technological information, such as IP addresses which can reveal one’s location and activity.

In a written reply, Privacy Commissioner for Personal Data Stephen Wong Kai-yi says the ordinance is a technology-neutral legislation, which provides room for continued applicability against changes in time.

“Personal data privacy right is not absolute. It has to be balanced by other considerations such as public interest, public safety, public order, and security,” he notes. “The application of data protection principles and provisions of the Ordinance may be exempted in the cases of the prevention or detection of crime, the apprehension, prosecution or detention of offenders.”

Lack of trust

Another increasing concern that protesters have is the lack of trust in the government as law enforcement agents use arbitrary methods to arrest them, as noted by Lokman Tsui,  assistant professor at the School of Journalism and Communication in CUHK.

        In a poll of 1,023 respondents released by Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute this August, public distrust level of the Hong Kong government hit a historic record with 50.8 per cent showing extreme distrust. This is the highest level since the former British colony was handed back to China in 1997. 

        “When you have a situation where it’s not clear which law is going to be used (and) how. Then, that creates a lot of distrust and paranoia among the people,” Tsui says.

Tsui thinks surveillance is very one-sided in Hong Kong, meaning that local authorities have laws and technology at their disposal to look at citizens, but citizens have very limited means to monitor the authorities.  

Police watch protesters from building.

“We never know when we are being watched, what they are collecting, how long have they been watching you,” he says. 

        He points out two situations that aggravate the issue; unclear guidelines and the special relationship between Hong Kong and China. 

        First, Tsui points out Hong Kong law enforcements can enquire a service provider for metadata of an individual for investigative purposes. Metadata refers to the data that describes other data. Service providers, who do not have specific baselines on which they cannot reveal user data, can share them under law enforcement request. Once the data is collected, it is unclear how it will be used against the people, in this case, the protesters. 

Tsui adds that the barrier is very low in accessing data for law enforcers because they do not necessarily need a search warrant to request for relevant information for investigative purposes.  

 Apart from unclear rules, the extent to which Hong Kong law enforcement shares data with Chinese law enforcement is obscure. Tsui explains: “Hong Kong and Beijing are two different legal jurisdictions that are not subject to mutual legal assistance treaty, an agreement between two countries on what conditions you give data people and how they share the data.” 

Law enforcement agencies can also seek help from companies offering device-unlocking services and software to access or copy private data on locked smartphones, whether it runs Android or IOS, according to Charles Mok, a legislative councillor of the Information Technology constituency. These circumstances collectively make people more alert to their privacy and information. 

Meanwhile, on October 4, the Hong Kong government implemented the anti-mask law under the Emergency Regulation Ordinance as an attempt to stop violence on the streets.  

The new law forbids people wearing masks at demonstrations. It authorises the police to ask people to remove their masks at protests, helping them identify the people at public gatherings, irrespective of its legality. If a person is found to have violated, the offender is subject to one-year imprisonment and a fine of HKD 25,000. With the anti-mask law enforced,  over 77 have been arrested within three days of enactment, while concerns over identity protection persist as protesters continue to flood the streets.

Edited by Johanna Chan

Reading News beyond the Firewall

Mainland students who study outside the Great Firewall of China have different news consumption habits, which influence their views on Hong Kong protests. 

By Regina Chen

We are what we eat. We are what we read. Access to information, especially when Hong Kong is caught in political turmoil, is more important than ever before. As the movement sparked by the anti-extradition bill continues, news consumers are hooked to screens for information about protests on the front line.

When most assume that Mainlanders who mostly take Chinese social media platforms such as WeChat and Weibo, where politically sensitive topics are heavily censored, as news sources probably take a stand against the ongoing movement in Hong Kong, there are actually many who try to read news beyond the Great Firewall of China. 

The Great Firewall of China is a surveillance and censorship system with the aim of ensuring discussions on China’s Internet are all topics approved by the Chinese government. 

Varsity interviewed some mainland students who are currently studying in Hong Kong or abroad to learn about their news consuming habits. All of them decline to reveal their full names for fear of getting into trouble when they go back to Mainland China. 

Different news media tell different stories

Chloe, a mainland student who is currently studying in Hong Kong, says some Mainlanders, especially those who have higher education levels and can bypass the firewall, are trying to gather more information to read before making judgments.

Chloe says when the protest started in June, many mainland students in Hong Kong were actually quite supportive of the movement. They also shared the news from different sources about the protests with their friends. 

“These Mainlanders think they have the responsibility to spread verified information [about what is happening in Hong Kong],” says Chloe. “I also have many friends living in China who are familiar with this city and try to tell other people about the movement.”  

Though many no longer support the movement due to escalating violent clashes, they are aware that different news sources are feeding news consumers very different stories. 

Chloe says she is in the habit of reading news on Weibo and some bloggers on this social media site post information they gather outside the firewall. “But they have to bear a risk for having their accounts deleted,” she adds.

Mainland students who are studying abroad are also aware of different news narratives on different news platforms they browse. David is now studying in Canada, and he thinks it is important to acquire information from different sources. He cites a video about a man who was proved to be a reporter of the Chinese state media Global Times being beaten by protesters at the Hong Kong International Airport as one example. 

“The same image or the same video may be interpreted differently by different media outlets in different countries,” says David. “The video went viral among Mainlanders and they think the protesters are pro-independence rioters and the movement has disrupted people’s daily life. That made the viewers think it was unreasonable for Hong Kong people to ask for their five demands.” 

The five demands, Hong Kong people have asked for, include: an independent commission of inquiry, full withdrawn of the extradition bill, retraction of the characterization of protesters as ‘rioters’, amnesty for arrested protesters and dual universal suffrage, meaning for both the Legislative Council and the Chief Executive.

Narratives manipulated by politics 

David started to have a negative attitude towards the Hong Kong movement after the protesters occupied the Hong Kong International Airport on August 12th, as he thinks the movement has affected other people and caused inconvenience and chaos. But he admits that it is hard to be objective in judging the movement. 

David follows official accounts of international media outlets such as the New York Times, the Columbia Broadcasting System, and the British Broadcasting Corporation on Instagram. He prefers reading news stories produced by foreign news media outlets. “I believe in them more, because I think they can report news from a more objective angle,” he says. 

He also reads news reports by Hong Kong media outlet, such as Apple Daily as well as those articles posted on Weibo and WeChat official accounts. “But I tend to avoid reading news produced by Chinese media outlets. Since the media in China is controlled by the party, you cannot learn about the movement in Hong Kong with an objective perspective [by reading their stories],” he says. 

Another Mainlander Jacque shares David’s view on the Chinese news media. Having lived in Hong Kong for four years, he thinks Chinese official media outlets tend to be biased in their reporting.


Mainlanders rely on Weibo and WeChat to access news since local and foreign media outlets are not available within the firewalll in China.

“From their posts on Weibo or WeChat, I can sense that they tend to stir up readers’ emotions,” he says. But he still thinks news reports by these Chinese official media outlets are worth reading. “You can understand the party’s attitude towards certain incidents by reading these news stories,” he says, adding that he also reads news from Weibo and WeChat official accounts. 

Sina Weibo, one of China’s most popular microblogging platforms, is widely used as news sources by Mainlanders.  

Though many Mainlanders try to surmount the firewall for more access to information and the news, Jacque thinks that does not mean they will change their attitude toward the movement in Hong Kong or make them become more supportive of the protesters. 

He attributes it to two main reasons. “First, they have a strong belief and faith in the party’s policies and rules. The other reason is about the development of computer algorithm. For example, if the first account that you follow on Facebook is the overseas edition of the People’s Daily, the recommendation system will forward you more information from those media outlets sharing similar political stances,” he says.

The People’s Daily is the official news outlet of the Communist Party in China, and it provides direct information on the viewpoints of the party. 

Jacque thinks that in the long run, the Mainlanders who mostly consume news by China’s news outlets, the perspective of the information they get will be more and more limited. 

Be alert when consuming the news 

Grace Leung Lai-kuen, a lecturer at the School of Journalism and Communication at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, says it is normal for the people living in the Mainland to have their own perception of Hong Kong. “The perception may be shaped by the country, by the previous experience, or by the education,” she says. “If they have their own values, they will impose their values while viewing those issues.”

Leung thinks that when people try to get the news, they will filter the information through their own ideology and political preferences to confirm their existing knowledge. She says no one will see things from a neutral stance. “If the information is close to their values and shares similar ideas, then they tend to accept it,” she adds. To be aware of the authenticity of information, Leung encourages people to keep a sceptical mind when reading news.

By Gloria Li and Jasmine Ling

In Dialogue with Youths

Government’s attempt to bring youths’ voices into policy discussion

By Ariel Lai

With a strong interest in Hong Kong environmental policy design, fresh graduate Natalie Chung Sum-yue, applied to join the Member Self-recommendation Scheme for Youth (MSSY) in June 2018. “I joined the scheme because I want to work on environmental policy,” Chung, who is now serving a two-year term as a member of the Council of Sustainable Development says.

Chung, who studied Geography and Resource Management at the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) is also a co-founder of V’air Hong Kong, an environmental organisation which advocates low-carbon lifestyle.

The MSSY was launched by the Home Affairs Bureau in 2017. The scheme aims to “scout for talent more widely and encourage participation of young people in policy discussion and debate”, according to the bureau’s website.

Under the MSSY, people aged between 18 and 35 can self-nominate themselves to join specified government advisory committees. The recruitment is held twice a year. Successful applicants will serve in the respective advisory committees they applied to.

Increase Youths’ Engagement

Chung agrees that the MSSY can increase youths’ involvement in various policy aspects that they are specialised or interested in. “During my first year, I mainly worked on education and promotion of carbon reduction, such as organising a youth forum and visiting Mai Po Wetland with primary school pupils,” Chung shares. 

However, she is doubtful whether the MSSY can sufficiently facilitate engagement of young people in policy discussion and debate, which is one of its major goals.

Chung says she can voice her opinions in the council, but whether her views are valued by the council is another matter.

“Professionals from the Environmental Bureau propose frameworks and policies for sustainable development before council meetings. After the meetings, what we have discussed are documented,” Chung says. “But I don’t know to what extent suggestions are adopted.”

Attempts to connect with youths

The Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor has sought to connect with the youth. In her Policy Address in 2018, there is a chapter titled “Connecting with Young People to Build Our Future Together”.  The MSSY was announced.

Amid the on-going protests triggered by the anti-extradition bill movement, on September 26, Lam had a face-to-face community dialogue with Hong Kong citizens at Queen Elizabeth Stadium in Wan Chai. Yet, protesters who are mostly young people remain discontented. Protests continue.

Come way too late

Another member of the MSSY and an activist for ethnic minorities’ rights issues in Hong Kong, Lamia Sreya Rahman says it is too late for the government to engage the young people. “The government should have done this (integrating youth in the government) a long time ago,” she says.

Rahman joined the MSSY in December 2018 and is now a member of the Committee on the Promotion of Racial Harmony. Rahman underwent a selection procedure which includes an application process, a group interview, and an individual interview.

Lack of Representativeness

Recalling the group interview, Rahman is shocked to find herself to be the only ethnic minority candidate. “People are having conversation about us (ethnic minorities) but without us,” exclaims Rahman, “they don’t even know about the problem.”

It turns out that many of her friends who are also vocal in ethnic minorities issues are not aware of the scheme. Rahman points out while there are promotions for the MSSY, most of the promotional materials such as posters are in Chinese. It makes ethnic minorities difficult to gain access to information.

Screenshots of the MSSY promotional videos from the Home Affairs Bureau’s website

The Home Affairs Bureau is contacted upon the issue. “Most of these publicity measures are delivered in bilingual version except a few in English/Chinese only in order to follow the market trend,” the bureau says in a written reply.

Rahman has just started her position for two weeks when she was interviewed, but she has already observed some advantages of the MSSY. “I have access to politicians like Matthew Cheung Kin-chung (Chief Secretary for Administration) and Yeung Yun-hung (Secretary for Education),” Rahman says. And she is confident that the officials will incorporate her advice in the policy, though she reckons it might be a slow process.

Rahman also points out there is still a lack of sufficient young voices in the council that she is serving. Taking the Committee on the Promotion of Racial Harmony as an example, other than the two MSSY participants, the rest of the members are either government officials or adults with professional experience. Therefore, Rahman thinks the Committee cannot fully represent the younger generation of the ethnic minority.

More young voices need to be heard

The government still has a long way to make the councils more youthful. According to the 2018 Policy Address, the government targets to raise the proportion of youth members aged 18 to 35 from 9% up to 15%.

President of Young DAB, Noel Shih, is confident that the scheme can help enhance communication between the youth and the government. However, he thinks merely counting on the MSSY alone is not enough to increase the number of young people in the government.

According to the Home Affairs Bureau statistics, the MSSY has recruited a total of 51 members out of some 4000 applicants since the launch of the scheme in 2017. Shih believes the government should also offer other opportunities for young people to take part in policy discussion.

“They (applicants of the MSSY) are passionate young people who want to contribute… the government can form focus groups with these passionate applicants who cannot pass the interviews,” Shih suggests.

Flogging a dead horse

Matthew Cheung Kin-chung, Chief Secretary for Administration and Chairman of the Youth Development Commission, says on his blog on September 29, that “Connecting with Youth is a crucial part of the government’s attitude on policy.” Besides, he also says the Youth Development Commission are working hard on strengthening the communication between the government and the youth.

Ma Ngok, associate professor of the Department of Government and Public Administration at CUHK is sceptical of the MSSY. He points out that members of the MSSY can hardly make a real impact on the government’s policy-making process. “These advisory boards are outdated. They have no say in policy making, not to mention adding one or two young persons in them, “Ma explains.

Ma is also pessimistic about candid dialogue promised by the government.” The government is not listening to the people. The claims they make are just shows. Not even adults have a say in policies, let alone the youths,” Ma says.

Edited by Ada Chung

Elderly Rise up amid Protests

The silver-haired stand with the young in the anti-extradition bill movement.

By Lasley Lui

On October 12, several hundred silver-haired protesters gathered in the rain outside the Wan Chai Police Headquarters for a 48-hour sit-in to express their support for young protesters who have fought in the front lines in the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) Movement that has persisted for over four months.

The “silver-haired” protesters joined in a mass 48-hour sit-in outside Wan Chai Police Headquarters to show support for the frontline young protesters.

 Since June, the Anti-ELAB Movement has seen an unprecedented concerted effort by different age groups in Hong Kong. The elderly who are usually absent from social movements also play an active role. On July 17, an estimated 9,000 elderly citizens took to the streets, staging a protest which was dubbed “silver-haired march” (銀髮族遊行). They voiced their opposition against the controversial bill and showed their solidarity with young people.

Mrs Law, who refuses to disclose her full name, 60, participated in the “silver-haired march”. Despite her strong objection against the use of foul language in the past, “Now I feel like ‘DLLM’ is the best phrase [to describe my feelings]….there is no better way to express my anger than swearing,” she says. “DLLM” is an abbreviation of a Cantonese foul expression which is not commonly used by the elderly.

Law thinks the movement serves as a call for civic awakening that unites not only the elderly and the young but everyone in Hong Kong from all walks of life and of all ages. The unity and connections have helped the 60-year-old regain her long-lost passion for and confidence in this city. “I feel very proud of our young people and I appreciate their effort. There is hope for Hong Kong,” she says.

Protecting the young in times of chaos

Law joins “Safeguard the Children”, a community group initiated by the Good Neighbour North District Church, which calls on the silver-haired and social workers to stand at the front lines of protest sites to mediate conflicts between protesters and police officers. The group has around 50 middle-aged and silver-haired volunteers as well as social workers who stand between the police and young protesters to ease tension and avoid violent clashes from happening. Once an active participant in the Umbrella Movement in 2014, Law recalls leaving a protest site when police started clearance operation. Feeling apologetic for the young, she decides to support them by standing at the forefront of this movement.  “
Ever since the first time I took to the streets, when people ask about my feelings, I have always told them that I am scared, ” says Law. “But I told myself, I am not leaving this time.”


Ever since the first time I took to the streets, when people ask about my feelings, I have always told them that I am scared… But I told myself, I am not leaving this time.

Mrs. Law, a member of “Safeguard the Children”

A young protester who names himself Karson says he is overwhelmed with the elderly’s care for young people. He recalls volunteers from Safeguard the Children marched towards the frontline slowly and hand-in-hand. Like many other young protesters, these older citizens place themselves in the battlefield in “full gear”, donning helmets, goggles and face masks. But their yellow vests and green sashes which read “safeguard the children” make the grey hairs stand out as peacemakers amid tension.

Karson says he was profoundly moved by how much the elderly wanted to protect the young people when he caught sight of one particular senior volunteer hobbling along the street with a cane. “What motivates the silver-haired to watch out for the young at the front lines when some of them might even have knee problems?”

Members of “Safeguard the Children” bring helmets, goggles and facemasks every time they go to the frontline, dressing similarly to the young protesters.

Resolving generational differences

     Apart from standing with young protesters on the front lines, some silver hairs have also made great effort to learn about mobile technology which is widely used by protesters to organise themselves in this leaderless movement. They try to understand games rules of the virtual world by using messaging apps and figuring out meaning of buzzwords commonly used in online discussion forums. 

      In a bid to help the silver-haired community better understand what the young protesters are thinking, a group of students initiated a campaign called “Part Time Guai Suen” (一班乖孫), or part-time grandchildren in Chinese, this June. They organise workshops to teach the elderly how to use social media platforms which play a significant role in facilitating communication and interaction among protesters during the past several months.


“Part Time Guai Suen” organise workshops to teach the elderly how to use social media platforms such as LIHKG and Telegram.

       Cody, a member of Part Time Gwai Suen, who declines to reveal his full name, thinks traditional smartphone workshops held by political parties cannot help the elderly to connect with the youth as they are only taught to use some old-fashioned social media apps such as Facebook, which is not popular among young users. 

The 18-year-old student observes that many old people receive information about the protests by reading posters on “Lennon Walls”- community message boards set up by movement supporters who leave notes and leaflets on walls in different neighbourhoods across the city to express their support for the pro-democracy movement and inform the public about what is happening. Cody says the older generation have limited access to social media platforms due to their lack of knowledge about the use of e-devices.

Cody says he once met a pro-government man who attended a workshop held by Part Time Gwai Suen. The old man has a smartphone which is the latest model, but he did not know how to use the gadget his children bought him. Cody thinks the young should reach out more to the silver-haired regardless of differences in political views.

“We might not be able to change their political opinions which have been deeply rooted in their head. But [we] hope that [the workshops] can at least help them read more,” he says.  

According to a survey published by Chinese University’s Centre for Communication and Public Opinion Survey in early August, about one fifth of the respondents aged 55 and above said that they thought LIHKG, an online forum similar to Reddit where users exchanged their ideas on protest developments and posted calls to action, was important for the movement. The Centre’s director, associate professor Michael Chan Che-ming at CUHK’s School of Journalism and Communication, found this result “quite surprising”.

        “Usually for those [aged 55 and above] who are considering retirement, they want stability rather than changes,” Chan says. He thinks what motivates the elderly to learn how to use social media apps is their eagerness to learn about the younger generation’s thoughts. Also, traditional media sources may not satisfy their needs to acquire real-time information on this movement.

Reconnecting the old and the young

Mei, 59, a volunteer of Part Time Guai Suen, who does not want to disclose her full name, used to think young people were indolent and decadent. But she now understands the young better after using social media platforms. “If this movement did not take place, young people would not talk to me, and there would never be such a channel [of communication],” says Mei.

        Part Time Guai Suen is planning to publish a book to explain the meaning of buzzwords such as “Pin Post to Top” (置頂) and “Boost Post for Sharing” (推post) to the silver-haired audience, which are specifically used on online discussion forum LIHKG.


 Part Time Guai Suen is planning to publish a book to explain the meaning of buzzwords used on LIHKG.

       Cheryl, one of the editors of the book, says the students involved in editing work realise that they should teach the elderly how to obtain information with smartphones instead of just introducing them basic functions of these devices. “The book also allows me to talk to my family and ask for their advice. For example, I asked them whether they could understand the content if I designed like this and whether they feel comfortable when reading the book,” she says. 

She hopes that the book can encourage people to bridge the generation gap in their families. “Let’s put politics aside. Talking about buzzwords on LIHKG has already provided a good opportunity for us to improve our communication with the elderly,” says Cheryl. 


The movement might end one day, but the relationship between the old and the young will never end,

Cody, student at “Part Time Guai Suen”

        Witnessing solidarity of the two generations amid the social unrest, Cody thinks this movement has helped to mend the once-distant intergenerational relationship. “The movement might end one day, but the relationship between the old and the young will never end,” he says, “[I] hope [the book] can promote cultural integration, and the two generations can show greater care for each other.”

Edited by Jasmine Ling

Shopping Politically

Protesters initiate shop boycott campaigns as an alternative to express their political views.

By Cynthia Sit

Politics is integrated into our daily lives that even our consumption pattern is impacted amid the anti-government movement. Protesters and several online campaigners call on HongKongers to boycott pro-government companies, which are identified as “blue stores”, to pressurize the government into responding demands raised during the Anti-ELAB (extradition legislation amendment bill) Movement. Exercising the power of consumer choice by boycotting businesses that support the government has become a strategy to sustain the movement. 

Advocating the change of consumption pattern to bring political empowerment

Bye Buy Day, one of the online action groups initiates the shop boycott movement because economy is the government’s most vulnerable spot. They urge consumers to spend less on Fridays and Sundays and boycott pro-government businesses, naming some high-profile enterprises such as Maxim’s, Swire, Best Mart 360 and MTR malls. Shops are targeted based on actions that they have taken in response to the recent protests and political stances that their owners have publicly stated.

“We believe that consumers have the power to steer and shape our future economy or even the political system,” a representative of Bye Buy Day HK who declines to reveal his name explains. “People can choose to support businesses that share their political opinions. This way, businesses will know that they need to have conscience and align themselves with people’s view in order to prosper.” 

Sticker written ‘Liberate Hong Kong, Revolution of Our Times” posted on the information board inside Festival Walk on 29 September

Reaching over 27,000 followers on Facebook and having over 1.3 million views on their online posts, organizers of Bye Buy Day are confident their campaign can raise public awareness that political agenda can be influenced through their consumption. “Many supporters told us they have started to minimise their spending already. In particular, when we first held our booth near Windsor in Causeway Bay during the Aug 18 protest to promote our campaign, many middle-aged men and women expressed their support to us, ” the representative of Bye Buy Day says.  

Embracing the concept of dollar voting, the campaign does not urge supporters to avoid consumption completely but simply minimise unnecessary purchases. Dollar voting accentuates the power of consumers to determine resources allocation of business, which in turn also influences the rise and fall of business under conscious selection of products from companies based on certain criteria. “All we’re calling for is a reasonable, but not a radical change in their spending patterns,” the representative emphasizes. 

People gathering at Festival Walk for a Shop Boycott Event on 29 September

Emergence of “ethical businesses” 

While some shops are snubbed, shops supporting the Anti-ELAB Movement see the fruit through the boycott campaign – customers began to support these ‘ethical businesses’ by consuming more. Hungry Dino, a takeaway eatery established in early June, becomes one of the businesses hailed by netizens as ‘ethical business’ after the shop owners decided to give out free meals to protesters. The owners, however, did not expect their own political stance would receive any public attention. 

Tim Law Kin-sun and Tracy Tang So-lan, cofounders of Hungry Dino, decided to distribute free rice balls and sell prepaid rice ball coupons during Anti-ELAB protests in late July. Since then, they have sold over 10,000 prepaid rice ball coupons and gave away around 7,500 coupons. 

Being honoured as an “ethical owner”, Law finds the phenomenon surprising as  he has no intention to make use of his political stand to boost his business. 

Tim Law Kin-sun, the co-founder of Hungry Dino

He is thankful but at the same time questions the power of the shop boycott movement. “Consumers can never support all the ‘ethical businesses’. These small-scale ‘ethical businesses” will be eliminated by the market trend while pro-government businesses may still survive in the market,” says Law. 

So far Hungry Dino still fails to make ends meet since its opening.  Despite the fact that the launch of the business coincided with the critical time of Anti-ELAB Movement, Law does not want to attribute the loss solely to the government as economic decline and mismanagement of his own can also be the reasons. He believes the turnover rate will be similar whether he has expressed any political view or not. 

Although Law agrees that the boycott campaign can give consumers a sense of contribution to the movement, he is afraid that the campaign will not be able to bring changes to their consumption habits in the long run. “Many restaurants and shops showed their support for the Umbrella Movement (in 2014). But would anyone continue to support these businesses after two years just because they had spoken out for the movement back then?” Law questions.

Memo stickers posted by customers inside Hungry Dino.

Shop boycott in reality

Altering consumption pattern is not as easy as it sounds. For Miss Sin, a university student, who declines to reveal her full name, living in a community surrounded by MTR malls means she is confined to join the boycott campaign due to geographical restrictions. She is forced to do shopping at chain stores. “To be honest, most of the enterprises and firms in Hong Kong are pro-government, and it is difficult to avoid all purchases from all of them,” the boycotter of MTR related shops says.

Sin points out many people are still shopping at stores that should be boycotted. She believes unity among the mass to engage in the campaign is vital to keep the action going. Even though she has doubts regarding the impact of the boycott movement, she still hopes her actions can influence others in the future.

People gathering at Festival Walk for a Shop Boycott Event on 29 September

Recognizing the potential limits of the boycott movement, yet, Sin still supports the campaign. “Shop boycott is already a method to express our political views at the lowest cost,’ the 19-year-old student says, as she thinks it is shameful not to support the Anti-ELAB Movement with a comparatively laid-back way. 

“I understand that a lot of peaceful protesters would have their own concerns and they may not be able to take to the streets anymore. However, participating in the shop boycott movement is already the most minimal degree of resistance, then (we) should at least try our best to do it,” she adds. 

People sticking flyers on the facade of a Maxim-owned restaurant

A secondary school student, who names herself Miss Chau, sees the shop boycott movement in a different way. She thinks her daily spending pattern is partially affected by the campaign. She boycotts businesses that publicly criticise or insult protesters on social media platforms, but most shops in the boycott list are not those she usually opts for. 

And though supporting the campaign, she says she has to be pragmatic. “I will not boycott the shops completely, but I will reduce my spending at these shops. If there are no other choices available, I will still shop there,” says Chau.

Like the takeaway eatery owner, Chau is doubtful about the sustainability of the boycott movement as she sees chain stores like Yoshiyona and other Hong Kong franchises owned by Maxim’s are winning their customers back.  “The phenomenon reflects the ‘forgetful’ characteristic of Hong Kong people. The shop owners will just ignore the movement,” Chau says. 

People connecting paper reservation slips from restaurants into a long string in a Shop Boycott Event on 29 September

Edited by Scarlet Shiu

From Studio to the Frontline

Dicky Ma, a local freelance portrait photographer records the anti-extradition bill movement through his camera lenses.

By Tiffany Chong

“During this social movement, I witnessed unrighteousness. I think it is my mission to capture these moments with my camera,” Dicky Ma says. Born in Hong Kong, Ma is also known as Dicky Manana, is a renowned freelance commercial photographer specialised in portraits. His works include but not limited to photo shooting for different apparel brands, such as Adidas, Timberland and Bread n Butter.

Rather than receiving a formal photography education, studying Fine Arts in Beijing inspires Ma to be a photographer. But his job achievements do not satisfy him. The recent anti-extradition bill movement triggers him to use photo-taking as a medium to be an eye for the public.

Witnessing the History

Ma recalls giving stranded young demonstrators a ride from Tsuen Wan to their homes. “Money was found under a mat (after they got off the car). Mostly were coins, such as $1 coins, $2 coins or $5 coins and even a $20 note. I was heartbroken,” Ma says. He jokes when he was the same age as the young demonstrators, he only played with ponytails of his classmates. To Ma it is inconceivable what these young demonstrators are experiencing now.

Ma brings a helmet, a gas mask, and a headtorch to the social movement.

Most of the time, the atmosphere in the frontline is very intense and dangerous. Unlike his commercial photo shooting, Ma can only press the shutter button without thinking. He recalls when he was taking a photo of police officers shooting rubber bullets, a protester who protected him with an umbrella casually asked him about the model of his camera. It is surreal to Ma.

“I don’t contribute a lot to this social movement. From my perspective, I only made use of my identity and ability to do something right,” Ma exclaims. He does not care about people criticising him taking these photos for money because he does not get paid from anyone. And he thinks he does not deserve respect from his supporters because he wants to dedicate it to the frontline demonstrators.

Protesters switched on their phone lights during a peaceful protest. (Photo courtesy of Ma)

From an Artist to a Photographer

Ma has started drawing since high school. He then studied painting and illustration at The Central Academy of Fine Arts (CAFA) in Beijing. Ma describes it as a life changing experience that has navigated him to his career. He appreciates the teaching method in Beijing that did not only focus on drawing skills but more essentially about human qualities. “They teach you how to cultivate yourself to draw a good piece of artwork through learning history, humanities, and cultures,” Ma adds.

Back in the era when technologies were not as advanced as today, Ma could only share his life in Beijing by emailing photos to his family. He enjoyed taking snapshots when doing outdoor sketching. This was when he realised photo-taking was a more direct and faster way to convey messages and his thoughts compared to drawing.

After graduating from the CAFA, Ma worked in New York as a photographer. He says working in New York is not as glamorous as how it is portrayed in TV drama. The working environment in the US is more relaxing, and job nature is similar to Hong Kong but is even more competitive. Besides, discrimination against Chinese is another issue Ma faces there.

Protesters walked forward despite heavy smog caused by tear gas. (Photo courtesy of Ma)

The authenticity of a Photo

The art skill gained from drawing portraits strengthens Ma’s foundation of taking a powerful portrait photo. He is sensitive to light and knows how to highlight facial features. Even though he has learned photo editing from YouTube, he hates relying too much on image-editing which he thinks would weaken a photo’s authenticity. Apart from commercial photo, he does not edit photos shot for personal interest.

Ma likes interacting with strangers and is interested in their stories. Every time before he takes a portrait photo, he chats with the model and introduces himself professionally. He says when models become comfortable being with him, their facial expression will be more relaxed.

He thinks the hardest task as a photographer is not about how to take a decent photo but how to compromise between his judgment and comments from clients. Instead of blindly following orders, he still expresses his disagreement when he encounters inappropriate comments.

Remain True to the Original Aspiration

Ma sees no difference in viewing the world with his eyes or his camera. Whenever he looks at a photo, he can reminisce the moment he captured the image. Being a photographer in this social movement, he feels going back to the early stage when he first had an interest in photography. “It is just like when I first arrived in Beijing, I brought along a camera to take street photos. It is very similar to the situation now. And I realise I love taking this kind of photos,” Ma says.

“Hong Kong freedom fighter” urges the protesters to be well-prepared. (Photo courtesy of Ma)

While commercial photos limit Ma’s creativity, taking photos in demonstrations allows him to take full control of images. This inspired him to create an online photo gallery in October. It features dozens of people who played different roles including frontlines, journalists, protesters, and so on during the social movement. He hopes to deliver the message that people from different sectors have fought along with the youth.

Edited by Civi Yap

Short-lived Street Art

“Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times.” near Times Square in Causeway Bay.

Street art in Hong Kong has limited room for development. 

By Emilie Lui

Political posters, graffiti and stickers have scrawled across the city amid on-going anti-government protests. People have been creating street art with political messages to express their discontent towards the government.

The success of Midnight Glue’s MTR signs has inspired other designers to create their own design.

Midnight Glue is a team that creates political art, mainly stickers, big and small, not only to catch people’s attention but also to encourage others to do the same. “It is a less risk-bearing activity we can do for the community compared to going to the frontlines,” a Midnight Glue member, who refuses to reveal his identity, says.

Midnight Glue’s iconic artworks are mega-size stickers which portray police’s excessive use of force. A Midnight Glue member says, “We believe the large-scale image can help people to face reality. They can stop reading news and taking part in discussions of the movement, but they cannot turn a blind eye to the images on the walls.” Apart from stickers, they also use stencils and leave messages on streets, urging people to join the social movement and also reminding people of the five demands: 

(Photo courtesy of Midnight Glue) Midnight Glue’s graffiti lists out the four unanswered demands in both Chinese and English.
  • Complete withdrawal of the extradition bill
  • An independent inquiry into alleged police brutality
  • Retraction of the classification of protesters as “rioters”
  • Amnesty for arrested protesters 
  • Implementation of dual universal suffrage 

While people in western countries have been using art as a tool to express their views for many years, a local graffiti artist Pantone C thinks it is quite difficult for Hong Kong to develop a culture like foreign countries. He thinks that graffiti and street art can only be a scratch since the artworks are usually quickly removed. However, Pantone C supports what the people are doing. “This is a rebellious action, yet I don’t think there is any problem with it. It’s just like people using different ways to protest and express their discontent towards the government. Street art and stencilling are more contagious than simply writing down slogans on the walls,” Pantone C says. “It is easy to write words using colour spray, but it is difficult to write it artistically. So, one of the reasons why I set up the workshop is to teach others basic skills of making graffiti.”

Political posters are torn off from the wall and graffiti are covered in a layer of paint.

Art can be a tool for people to express their views or deliver messages. However, street artist Smilemaker doubts whether such art can still exist. “Hong Kong has been enjoying a high degree of freedom of speech, but I am not sure whether it still has that. Or maybe it doesn’t anymore,” he says. “Freedom of speech in Hong Kong is no longer like before, so probably there may be some limitations when it comes to the themes of artwork.”

Pantone C also thinks that the room for street art development is limited because of the culture in Hong Kong. Street artist Smilemaker agrees and explains, “I think the pace in Hong Kong is too quick for people to appreciate street art, especially in this generation when most of us are glued to our smartphones when we are walking down the street. So, it’s pretty unlikely that people will stop by and look at street art.”

However, the government, in fact, acknowledges that introducing street art into the community can encourage people to be more engaged in their neighbourhood. The Energizing Kowloon East Office (EKEO) of the Development Bureau has launched several projects to develop street art in Hong Kong. The Back Alley Project @ Kowloon East was one of the projects that helps energise the pedestrian area in Kwun Tong. A spokesperson of EKEO says pedestrian flows in the revitalized back alleys have increased by more than 10% to around 20% from 2016 to 2019. This shows that street art is actually bringing a change to society.

Edited by Lily Yu

One of a Kind Cassette Player

NIMN Lab kickstarted the world’s first cassette player which is compatible with Bluetooth 5.0 headphones or speakers.

By Emilie Lui

Nowadays, music streaming services make it easy for us to get access to almost any song, anywhere and at any time. However, cassette tapes have made a comeback in a wave of nostalgia.

Sales of cassette tapes have seen an upsurge in recent years when a mixtape was shown on-screen in Marvel’s Guardians of the Galaxy film. The appearance of cassette tapes can also be found in a popular Netflix’s TV programme, Stranger Things. Some foreign singers such as Justin Bieber and Ariana Grande have also published their album in cassette format. This shows the antiquated device is gaining popularity again in this digital age.

NINM Lab has launched a Kickstarter project, which is a Bluetooth 5.0 cassette player, giving the music device a brand-new appearance. The merging of Bluetooth and conventional audio technology from 40 years ago makes the tape player stand out from other similar devices. However, the design studio is not only selling the features of the cassette player. Sanami Kwok, who works on public relations and marketing for NINM Lab, says, “We won’t emphasise that our product is more technologically advanced. Instead, we take an emotional approach and relate the products to one’s mood.” The Lab has named the cassette player “IT’S OKAY”, hoping to establish a dialogue with users and remind them that when we are saying “It’s okay” to our friends, there may be possibilities that we are actually not. NINM Lab thinks that music has accompanied people in times of happiness and healed them in times of sadness so the launch of IT’S OK Bluetooth 5.0 cassette player brings a new perspective to the romanticism of the 80s cassette player.

Apart from taking an emotional approach, the design studio also focuses on the design of the cassette player. They have found that cassette tape collectors are not necessarily music lovers but people who love aesthetic goods. “Some people may think that CDs could be replaced by music streaming services. However, cassette tapes or vinyl records are special and tangible products that encourage people to purchase them even if they know they are not going to listen to the songs.” They believe that the design of cassette tapes is one of the reasons for its growing popularity in the digital era.

Having noticed the increased demand for an aesthetically pleasing music player, NINM Lab has decided to recreate an affordable device for cassette tape collectors, providing customers with a way to appreciate their cassette tapes apart from shelving them. Its transparent case allows people to display their tapes while listening to them, just like when people share songs they are listening to on Instagram.

In fact, they have encountered some difficulties in finding a manufacturer. Cat Ong, another member from NINM Lab, explains, “The greatest obstacle was finding a supplier since compact cassette technology had 40 years of history. Production of cassette players declined in the 90s when compact discs were introduced. Indeed, the production of Sony Walkman has been ceased for 10 years. So, there are not many factories that still produce cassette players.” Eventually, they found a factory that has 30 years of experience in manufacturing cassette players to support their production.

Despite having obstacles in launching the cassette player, NINM Lab has successfully raised $648, 205 with 978 backers on Kickstarter. The first batch of products will be delivered to their customers by the end of 2019.

If you want to know more about the ITS OKAY Cassette Player, you may pre-order on their website or visit their Facebook page for more details.

Edited by Lily Yu

Gear up for STEM

The Enriched IT Programme that will be extended to all schools

Reporters: Agnes Lam, Bonita Wong, Kayi Tsang

Editors: Edith Chung, Sam Kwong

Applications of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics) is in everyday lives. Establishment of Cyberport and the Hong Kong Science and Technology Park has yet to turn the city into a regional tech hub. The government has stepped up effort to promote STEM education to breed young talents.   

The Financial Secretary announced the Enriched IT Programme in the 2014-15 Budget. The eight-year pilot programme is comprised of Enriched IT Class Programme and Enriched IT Activities Programme. Eight secondary schools – Cheung Sha Wan Catholic Secondary School, Christian Alliance SW Chan Memorial College, Pak Kau College, Pui Ching Middle School, Shun Tak Fraternal Association Yung Yau College, St. Paul’s Convent School, The Y.W.C.A. Hioe Tjo Yoeng College and

Tin Ka Ping Secondary School, were selected to run Enriched IT Class from 2015/16 to 2022/23 school year. It provides around HK$1 million yearly to each participating school.

Jordan Fung, a Form Five student of EITP, CEO of Pedosa Group, believes STEM education is vital for the future generation. “STEM education is about equipping every student with the skills to succeed in our society in the 21st century. It’s about how we can use our creativity to turn our ideas turn our concepts into reality by taking actions to do so,” he says.

Godwin Wong is a Form Two student who designed and invented BackUp, a device to measure and alert users when they have posture problems. His design won the Hong Kong ICT Best Student Innovation Merit Award in 2019.

Students and teacher of The Y.W.C.A. Hioe Tjo Yoeng College agree that the EITP helps strengthen STEM education.

Pui Ching Middle School allocates funds to employ alumni to serve as tutors to help students prepare for competitions. Jonathan So, the teacher-in-charge of the EITP programme and alumnus of the school, says he encourages and inspires students by sharing his experiences of joining international competitions with them.

In light of the positive feedbacks of EITP, the government proposed to set aside HK$500 million to implement the IT Innovation Lab in Secondary Schools initiative in all publicly-funded secondary schools in the coming three school years.

Leung Man-kit, panel chairman in computer of PCMS, hopes the government can acknowledge and focus on training student’s computational thinking instead of teaching topics that are trendy but will soon be obsolete. Anthony So Man-cho, professor at the Department of Systems Engineering and Engineering Management at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, says STEM education should be implemented in a more systematic way.  “Basically the STEM education now the secondary level shooting into different directions and most of them are related to technology…I guess it calls for a more systematic approach to train up our future STEM talents. Systematic STEM education is essential for our city’s future development,” he says.

Where Dreamers Shine

Performance groups in Hong Kong struggle to find performance venues

Reporters: Laurissa Liu, Kelly Chen, Alice Wang, Katherine Wang

Editors: Fangdong Bai, Valerie Wan

The West Kowloon Cultural District is the largest arts and cultural project in Hong Kong to date. Comprising 40 hectares, the district houses 17 core arts and cultural venues and space for arts education. But the increase in public performance venues still fails to meet the market demand.

Alan and Becky dance group says they had to file application for the use of Tsuen Wan Town Hall three years before the performance date.

Prune Deer, a math-rock band also has difficulties finding performance venues.  Like most other independent bands, they have to practice and perform inside industrial buildings.

The number of failure cases of applying for government performance venues has risen in the past few years. In the year 2015-16, 14,789 were recorded, 19,459 for 2016-2017 and 23,398 for 2017-2018, according to the Leisure and Cultural Services Department.

Established in 1993, Passover Dance is a non-profit dance organisation. They also have problems booking performance venues. Pewan Chow, the Artistic Director points out public performance venues are in great demand, as the rent is much cheaper.