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Support Sent from the ’80s

South Koreans show support to Hong Kong as they recall their own memory of struggles

By Eve Lee & Fiona Cheung

Two hundred people in black marched from Seoul City Hall to the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in late November in support of the Hong Kong anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (anti- ELAB) Movement. They chanted slogans and held banners in Korean, English, and Chinese that read “We support Hong Kong Resistance”.

Han Ka-eun, a 23-year-old student from Ewha Womans University and a member of Workers’ Solidarity, was one of the protestors in the rally.

“We distributed leaflets to explain Hong Kongers’ five demands to Koreans and tourists in the streets,” Han says. 

“Korea has a history of student movements, so it is natural for Korean students to sympathize with Hong Kong students and fight for their human rights,” says Han. “I stand with Hong Kong because their demands are fundamental human rights. And we believe the five demands are right,” she adds.

Two South Korean students with the banner “STAND WITH HK” at Yonsei University
Photo courtesy: Jun Sangjin

Hong Kong protests have taken the globe by storm for their fight for freedom and democracy. The controversial amendment to the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance proposed by the Hong Kong Government in February in 2019 sparked a public backlash. Hundreds of protestors flock to different districts in Hong Kong as the anti-ELAB Movement continued with the five key demands – withdrawal of the bill, the investigation into police brutality and misconduct, retracting the classification of protesters as “rioters”, amnesty for arrested protestors, and dual universal suffrage.  

Reminiscence of South Korea’s Gwangju Uprising

South Korea has its own bloody history of democratic movements in the past few decades after the Korean War in the ’60s. Kim Hyun-sook, a 57-year-old docent of the Asia Culture Center in Gwangju, shares her memories of the Gwangju Uprising in 1980 that she witnessed as a high school student. 

Kim says she was on the train with her friends on May 18, 1980. “Through a window, I saw a young man with a soldier. He was bleeding, and he kneeled down next to a soldier,” Kim recalls. “But he didn’t seem afraid. He looked firm and strong,” she adds. 

 “A group of beaten demonstrators was lying on the ground and the soldiers were stepping on their back on May 19,” Kim says. “On May 21, my mom said a commerce centre was full of corpses in coffins,” Kim continues, “And the centre was overwhelmed with a smell of dead bodies and sickening odor.”

“It saddens me to see citizens of Hong Kong getting hurt like what happened in Gwangju,” Kim sighs.

Lim Ju-wha, representative of Gwangju Welfare Human Rights Research Institute and Amnesty International Korea 60group, says the recent social unrest in Hong Kong is similar to the Gwangju uprising in the aspect that it is a violent physical confrontation between the authorities in power and the citizens. 

“In both Gwangju uprising and the anti-extradition bill movement, there is the suppression of democracy. Freedom of speech is violated and police officers do not face investigation for their brutality against protesters in Hong Kong,” says Lim. 

Lim observes how history repeats. “National violence brings posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) to all past, present and future generations,” says Lim. “The South Korean government is helping those who are still suffering from the trauma of the Gwangju Uprising,” she adds.

“To help prevent the repeat of Gwangju history, some South Korean students have stood up to fight with Hong Kong,” Lim says, “And this is also why people in Gwangju support Hong Kong as well.” 

South Korea’s struggle to democracy — Gwangju Uprising
Chun Doo-hwan, a former South Korean Army general, began his authoritarian rule with a military coup on December 12, 1979, after the assassination of the former president, Park Chung-hee. 

The military junta then decided to resume martial law, which was imposed previously by other dictatorial leaders, in early 1980. University students began to protest, demanding immediate democratization and calling for an end to martial law.

In response to the protests, on May 17, 1980, the government extended martial law to the whole country and arrested opposition figures, dissolved the National Assembly, closed all universities nationwide and banned all protests.

In defiance of suppression, a massive protest, the Gwangju Uprising, ensued in the city of Gwangju. Intense clashes between university students and the military government took place outside the front gate of Chonnam National University in Gwangju from May 18 to 27, 1980. The movement grew with the participation of civilians and won against the army on May 21, 1980. But the retreated army attacked the city again in the early morning of May 27, 1980, ending the uprising in a pool of blood. Hundreds were killed and injured. 

The uprising failed to achieve what it had hoped for but remembered as one of the most significant events in South Korean history of the democratic movement.

Lennon Walls on campus

Lennon Wall in front of Yonsei University Central Library

Apart from joining rallies, some South Koreans supporting Hong Kong’s democracy movement have also set up Lennon walls, mostly on campus, to encourage Hong Kong students studying in South Korea.

A student organisation from Yonsei University collected encouraging messages and posted them on Lennon Wall from November 20 to early December in support of the Hong Kong protests.

“We received a letter of support for Hong Kong protest from Bae Eun-sim, mother of Lee Han-yeol. Lee died after the June Democracy Movement of 1987,” members of the organisation say. “We posted the letter on campus and recited it during the assembly on December 8 to bring more support.”   

“The saddest thing is that the students get hurt and die during their fight. I hope no one gets hurt anymore […] I sincerely hope for the victory in Hong Kong” 

Bae Eun-sim, mother of Lee Han-yeol

Lennon Walls in South Korean universities
Lennon Wall originated from Prague represents resistance against the communist government. The first Lennon Wall in Hong Kong was set up outside the Central Government Complex during the 2014 Umbrella Movement. The mosaic walls of post tips sprout throughout the small city with the escalation of the anti-ELAB Movement in 2019.

South Korean students who support the movement have also set up Lennon Walls across different university campuses in Korea. Some notes and banners were, however, damaged — especially those printed with “Liberate Hong Kong, Revolution of our time” in Chinese, a slogan commonly used in the movement. Conflicts between individuals and activists occurred.

“Maybe it’s because there is no such thing in Mainland China, so some Chinese students don’t know they shouldn’t do that,” explains Kiki, a 20-year-old student studying management at Korea University who refuses to disclose her full name.

Despite strong resistance from Chinese students, a group of ordinary Korean citizens created a Facebook page, “Hong Kong Protest Lennon Wall in South Korea”, as a safer platform to express opinions and support the movement.

The Facebook page administrator, who hopes to stay anonymous, says the page also aims to arouse public attention of the issue with the use of the social media platform.

“It is a direct threat to our freedom of speech,” the administrator says. He describes the vandalism act as “disrespectful” and “unacceptable”.

While condemning vicious attacks of the physical Lennon Walls, the administrator stresses that they are not against any nationality and believes no discriminatory comments should be posted.

Plights for giving assistance to Hong Kongers did not occur only from individuals but also from authorities. 

Hankuk University of Foreign Studies issued a notice to forbid students from posting “political” posters to maintain orders on campus in November. Several other universities implemented similar measures.

In the incidents of authorities removing Lennon Walls on university campuses, speculations about pressure from China were aroused. “Along with the case above, many speculated that part of the problem, if not the only, was because of their dependence on the Chinese students’ tuition fees,” the administrator from the online Lennon Wall says. 

Students immediately responded to the measure and regarded it as further diminishing South Korea’s freedom of speech. 

These students involved felt they were not only fighting for democracy in Hong Kong but also defending their own freedom to speak.
 
The administrator says, “Some South Koreans know how challenging it is to make democracy live up to its name. Hence, they are able to better relate to conflicts in Hong Kong.”

An internal Chinese affair?

“It is a big encouragement to us,” says Joey Siu, external vice-president of City University of Hong Kong Students’ Union. 

Siu believes the current situation in Hong Kong is an international issue– it influences the interest of stakeholders around the globe and the relationship between different countries.

“Their support also reflects their opinion to their own government,” says Siu. “Apart from supporting the Hong Kong protesters, it puts pressure on their government to respond to the Hong Kong issues and stand up against China’s human rights violations,” Siu explains.

A group of people gathered at Korea University in support of the Hong Kong protests
Photo courtesy: Kiki

There, however, are others who think otherwise. Kiki, a student studying management at Korea University who asks for anonymity, believes that Korean students should not interfere with Hong Kong affairs. 

“I think what’s happening in Hong Kong is an internal affair of mainland China,” she emphasizes, “there should not be foreign interference.”

“We have the right to talk”

“People should be able to talk about political issues freely,” an administrator of an online organisation, Hong Kong Protest Lennon Wall in South Korea, says.

The administrator, who declines to reveal his full name, believes “We have the right to talk about politics of any country and it is not an act of challenging their sovereignties.”

A banner by the members of Yonsei University Students who support the Hong Kong Democratic Resistance

“Hong Kong problem is not just a ‘China’ problem; it’s of all humans, and of us” states the introduction from the Facebook page of the online organisation. The administrator and members of the platform consider themselves the same as Hong Kong people who are experiencing a political and humanitarian crisis.

“We hope to bring change for democracy,” members of the Yonsei University Students who support the Hong Kong Democratic Resistance say, “Democracy, in which normal citizens can make their own decisions in their daily encounters. That is what we want.”

The student concern group explains their plan for the coming semester in March.

“We will try to enhance our solidarity with the Hong Kong civic organizations to acquire more information about the movement,” members of the organisation say, “If there is obscure information, we will debate internally and externally to dig out the truth.”

Koreans want more media coverage on Hong Kong
In South Korea, news outlets covered the anti-extradition bill movement in their headlines when violent clashes occurred across university campuses in last November. Reporters deployed to Hong Kong were equipped with bulletproof waistcoats. 

Kim Jimin, a third-year university student studying Spanish at Kyung Hee University, thinks South Korean media updates news about the social unrest constantly but not in a thorough manner. 

“It is dubious. Some people think the South Korean media is being censored by pressure from pro-China groups,” says Kim. “I think many Koreans are aware of the recent incidents in Hong Kong but not the important details of what Hong Kongers are actually fighting for,” she adds. 

Members of Yonsei University Students who support the Hong Kong Democratic Resistance agree with what Kim says about South Korea’s biased media coverage.

“We ask Korean media to provide the public with in-depth reports that explain the root causes of the Hong Kong protest and its significance,” they say, “we would like to know the change in the social climate of Hong Kong after the 2019 Hong Kong local elections.”

Table of incidents around Lennon Walls in Korea

Where?What happened?
Yonsei UniversityThe Hong Kong protest supporting banners on campus were damaged and torn by unknown individuals in late October and early November.
Hankuk University of Foreign StudiesKorean students supporting Hong Kong protests said to suffer from cyberbullying by the Chinese students for their advocacy
Chonnam National UniversityBanners and Lennon Walls were damaged by individuals.
Hanyang UniversityThe school transferred and archived all the notes on Lennon Wall as confrontations between Korean and Chinese students continued
Seoul National UniversityA student organization on 19 November filed a case against those who damaged the Lennon Wall
Korea UniversityA series of cases were reported about damage and preservation of Lennon walls. Korean student activists were reported to be harassed by some Chinese students for supporting Hong Kong protest.
Myongji UniversityA fight broke out between Chinese and Korean students after the Chinese students tried to damage posters on Lennon Wall on 19 November 2019

Edited by Soohyun Kim
Sub-edited by Tiffany Chong

Helping Hands

Volunteers help anti-Extradition Bill Movement protesters.

By Reüs Lok

“When you become homeless, it helps a lot if someone provides a place like home for you to stay,” says Ah Hin, a frontline protester of the anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (anti-ELAB) movement who declines to reveal his full name. He moved out of his home after arguing with his family due to differences in political views. He then lived with a host family from November 2019 to January 2020. The arrangement was made by the Good Neighbour North District Church. 

Settling Down in the Social Movement

The Good Neighbour North District Church arranges temporary shelters for homeless social activists or people affected by the social movement. It provides pairing service between applicants and people who are willing to offer bed places. Once the social worker team of the church receives applications, they will match applicants with available hostel places or host families as soon as possible.

For Ah Hin, “home” is a place to rest at ease. Though he only lived with the host family for three months, he thinks of it as his safe house and somewhere that could protect him. “Receiving help for a few months is already more than enough,” he says, adding that it was better for him to stay with a host family than going home.

Receiving help for a few months is already more than enough.

J, a 26-year-old protester, who declines to reveal his full name, also lived with a host family under the arrangement of the Good Neighbour North District Church. Like Ah Hin, arguments and distrust with his family has driven him to move out.

J’s host family paid great effort to protect him. “My host family even lied to their pro-government relatives that a guest came and stayed in their home. It was meant to prevent them meeting me,” he says. He was touched and left a postcard to express his heartfelt thanks after living with his host family for three weeks.

“Temporary shelters act as a buffer for protesters in my view,” J says. He says the measure can effectively mitigate short-term economic pressure for moving out.But he thinks the church can provide more assistance on career aspects so that unemployed protesters can sustain their living in the long run. 

Bonding the Society

Roy Chan Hoi-hing is also a pastor from the Good Neighbour North District Church.

Roy Chan Hoi-hing, the person-in-charge of the temporary shelter project, says he decided to launch the scheme after meeting teenagers who are expelled from home after being arrested or having rifts in their families. The church takes up the social responsibility to help the needy.

“Even the government and businessman say they have given up the teenagers,” Chan says. “But the church will pick up those being abandoned. ‘Connecting with youth’ isn’t just a slogan but about taking care of others’ need. Love means responding to people when they are desperately calling for help,” he says.

“Connecting with youth” isn’t just a slogan but about taking care of others’ need.

Chan has also held different activities to take care of the mental health and financial needs of help seekers, such as organising meal gatherings for host families and teenagers, and hiring social activists as officers who offer help to those also affected by the anti-ELAB movement. But he acknowledges that these are just temporary measures to help young protesters.  

“In the long term, it is vital for families to accept them,” Chan says. Since the applicants have to face their own family members one day, he says that his accommodation services cannot be a permanent solution to the social problem. “Our work is only the tip of the iceberg. I am sure that help needed by teenagers is much more than you can think of,” he says.

Supporting Helpless Students

Apart from offering a roof for the young protesters, academic support is also provided to secondary school students who took part in the social movement. University students EE, Tom and Yee, who decline to reveal their full names, are volunteer tutors of a social media platform Stand by U. They provide free online tutorials to secondary school students affected by the movement. Feeling baffled by the political atmosphere but could not provide assistance to the frontline protesters due to different personal concerns, the three “Wo Lei Feis” (和理非), which the term refers to peaceful, rational and non-violent protesters,join the online tutoring platform. 

Unlike traditional face-to-face tutorials, EE, Tom and Yee have to teach through pre-recorded videos and distribute learning materials through cloud drives. They interact with students on social media platforms and tutoring service like marking exercises is done online. 

Learning resources Yee and her teammates posted on Instagram, with compatible videos uploaded on YouTube. (Photo courtesy of Yee)

These are measures to protect both tutors and students’ privacy due to fear of potential privacy data leakage which might lead to arrests by police. EE says some students even create a new Instagram account to follow their social media page in order to protect their identities. 

The three tutors always wonder if they have ever helped students truly in need, as students’ identities are not revealed. “We cannot choose our students,” Tom says. “Some of our students may not take part in the movement or even hold opposite views. We cannot stop them from accessing our resources,” he says.

Yee believes no student should be left behind. “Can I really turn a blind eye to students when they ask me for help?” Yee says. She recalls how she chats with students online and says she can feel their anxiety facing public examination, especially when they do not know where to seek help. 

Can I really turn a blind eye to students when they ask me for help?

The three tutors think the anti-ELAB movement will be a long battle and students may continue to feel helpless. They find the approach of reaching students online effective, as they can reach out to more students. “Students after a year or two can still access to those resources we have posted online, and they can still benefit from our service,” Tom says.

Earning a Living with Dignity                     

Apart from academic support, some volunteers provide job opportunities for young social activists by setting up a company. HKongs, an online grocery store established in October 2019, has hired about 20 to 30 activists of the anti-ELAB movement. “We hope they (the social activists in the anti-ELAB movement) can join our company so that they can live with dignity,” says Sam, a marketing team volunteer from HKongs who declines to reveal her full name. The idea comes from a rally held by the Civil Human Right Front on June 16, 2019. The company believes if all two million protesters in the rally are willing to shop from their online platform on a regular basis, it can sustain the business and even have sufficient capital to hire all unemployed social activists.

The structure of Hkongs is different from that of traditional enterprises – the managerial staff are 20 volunteers. Sam says they are responsible for major operation of HKongs while continuing their full-time job.

Hkongs takes a flexible and protective attitude towards their employees. Employees are welcomed to take leave for protests and strikes. The company even pays them in advance if they have financial needs. The company also takes an extra step to protect their employees’ identities by hiding their company name with their logistics partners.

“Let protesters reintegrate into the society, work and life” is one of the objectives of HKongs. (Source: Hkongs)

Sam says Hkongs is probably the first company in Hong Kong that employs social activists. “If  candidates inform us that they were arrested in the social movement, we usually hire them before thinking about what duties they are capable of doing,” she says. 

Since most of their employees have little working experience, the volunteers offer vocational trainings before passing the work to them. “We hope they will be able to get promotion in the company and then they can take up the responsibility of training more newcomers in the future,” Sam says, explaining their plan of running the business in the long run.

Sam has never expected getting involved in the company’s operation as a volunteer for over four months. She believes the company operation is on the right track by offering training to social activists. “It would be great if we can ultimately help them in life planning,” she says.

Talking about the company’s future, Sam is full of confidence. “If Hongkongers continue to support us, I can’t see why this business cannot go on,” she says.

Edited by Cynthia Sit
Sub-edited by Kayi Tsang

Sign of the Time

Dimming neon signs brighten Hong Kong’s visual culture.

By Chaelim Kim and Soweon Park

“Neon lights contribute to maximising the colour and attraction of Hong Kong,” says Jin Park, a Korean photographer. Attracted by exotic buildings and harbour views of Hong Kong, Park visits the city repeatedly and thinks neon signs are the major attraction for tourists in the city.

Good Old Days of Neon Signs

Hong Kong has long been known as “Pearl of the Orient” due to the spectacular night view of neon lights. Park feels sad that neon signs he saw in Tsim Sha Tsui in September 2018 were gone when he went there again in March 2019. “And I can see that many neon signs have been taken down,” he says.

 “Neon signs set the mood of Hong Kong in its good old days,” Park adds.

Jin Park took photos during his travel in Hong Kong.
(Photo courtesy: Jin Park)

“Neon signs set the mood of Hong Kong in its good old days.”

Jin Park

Since the 1920s, neon-filled streets have given Hong Kong its distinctive atmosphere and act as a backdrop for movies like Chungking Express and Blade Runner.

Kwok wrote the book Fading of Hong Kong Neon Lights – The Archive of Hong Kong Visual Culture.
(Source: Joint Publishing HK)

The colourful signs also serve as the cultural icon of Hong Kong. “I think neon sign is part of our cultural identity. It’s a unique culture of Hong Kong,” says Brian Kwok Sze-hang, assistant professor of the School of Design at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University.

As the author of Fading of Hong Kong Neon Lights – the Archive of Hong Kong Visual Culture, a book which photo-documents remaining signs in Hong Kong, Kwok has conducted comprehensive research on the city’s vanishing neon signs. “When you look up at the sky, you see a unique view created by neon signs,” he adds.

Thanks to the lack of restrictions, neon signs with a variety of shapes, sizes and designs shaped Hong Kong’s distinctive neon landscape. “Japan has a strict policy on neon signs in terms of their sizes, so they’re not as unique and pretty as the ones in Hong Kong,” Kwok says.

Vanishing Neon Signs

However, the golden era of neon signs is gone. It is much harder to spot neon signs in major districts in Hong Kong nowadays. They are either replaced by energy-efficient light-emitting diodes (LED) or taken down by the government as it has stepped up effort to restrict creation of neon signs due to safety concern since 2010.

Kwok agrees that the government should take down some dangerous neon signs that pose a threat to public safety but notes that preservation is equally important as neon signs are a part of Hong Kong’s culture and history. He thinks the government should collaborate with some concern groups in the society to preserve this culture.

Apart from government efforts, Kwok thinks that shop owners who own the signboards should also acknowledge the cultural value of neon signs. Due to tightened restrictions and high maintenance cost of neon signs, there is a trend of replacing neon signs with LED signs.

Kwok believes neon signs have their cultural and historical value.
(Photo courtesy: Brian Kwok Sze-hang)

“Shop owners prefer LED signs because they are cheaper, last longer and more colourful. But I think LED lights are too strong and bright,” Kwok says. “Neon signs give out soft and romantic light and they are perfect for the night.”

The drop in demand for neon signs also leads to fewer people joining the neon sign manufacturing industry leading to decrease in supply.

Visual Culture Preservation

It may seem that neon signs and everything relating to them are slowly being erased from the community. Yet, some organisations are working hard to preserve neon signs culture in Hong Kong while the once neon-filled streets have become neon-free streets in recent years.

One of them is M+, a new visual culture museum in Hong Kong that will be opened next year. It has preserved some traditional neon signs, believing they are the iconic element of Hong Kong’s visual culture. “Given how much they contribute to the landscape of Hong Kong, it will be regrettable if neon signs become less visible in the public sphere,” a M+ spokesperson says.

However, neon signs in Hong Kong have been exposed to the city’s maritime climate for a long time. The high level of salt in the air may corrode them, and that makes it more difficult to preserve old neon signs. The spokesperson of M+ says: “There is definitely collective nostalgia for a time when neon was a vibrant and active craft, and it may only be able to survive as an artisanal skill.”

Defining culture as a living thing that is constantly changing and evolving, the museum believes preserving neon signs may help generate new forms of expertise that can support the creation of neon signs in the future. The M+ spokesperson adds: “Key efforts are devoted to ensure adequate documentation of existing techniques to be used in the future.”

Kwok also points out neon signs need to be preserved: “What’s worthy about neon signs is that they connect the community and the people.”

He adds that some shop owners are willing to keep neon signs though the maintenance cost is high as they mark long history of their shops. “It’s like keeping a promise with the community. Neon signs symbolize honour, respect, and credibility,” Kwok says.

Edited by Emilie Lui
Sub-edited by Howard Li

Adopt, Don’t Buy

People should adopt pets instead of buying them to safeguard animal welfare

By Kassandra Lai & Savoki Zhang

  “Charcoal stood out from others because it was so energetic, cheerful and tame,” Veronica Chan recalls the first moment she saw her lovely dog at a carnival promoting dog adoption and responsible pet ownership two years ago.

Playing with Charcoal, a three-year-old male mixed breed dog, for a while during the event which was supported by various animal welfare organisations with the Agriculture Fisheries and Conservation Department (AFCD), Chan made up her mind to take it home.

The second-year nursing student at the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) initially thought that pets awaiting to be adopted feared human beings and might have illnesses. But she found out they are well taken care of by professionals in adoption shelters. “Some people believe pets from adoption centres have behavioural problems. However, Charcoal proves them wrong,” she says.

Buy pets drives illegal breeding

Chan adopts her pet simply because she wants to save lives. “I heard that some pet shops in Hong Kong are breeding animals illegally and mistreating them,” the 19-year-old student says. “Buying pets from pet shops may help breeders expand their business and this will harm the animals.”

Illegal traders set up breeding facilities in rural areas where dogs are bred like factory products to cash in on pet trading that is worth millions of dollars a year in Hong Kong. For example, 135 dogs and cats were found housed in 76 crates under poor living conditions suffering from serious illnesses in Tai Kok Tsui in 2013. In 2017, 101 dogs were found at a breeding house in Yuen Long where they were trapped in overlapping and filthy crates, underfed and weak.

Chan continues that the practice of euthanizing pets in Hong Kong also prompts her to adopt pets. “Some of the pet shelters in Hong Kong may euthanize animals if they can not be rehomed. That is really sad,” she says.

According to a written reply from the AFCD, the number of animals not suitable for adoption and eventually being euthanized by the AFCD rose from 2,660 in 2017 to 6,366 in 2018 but dropped to 3,419 in 2019.  

“The big problem is the consumer. The illegal trade can only function if there is a demand from the consumers,” says Dr. Fiona Woodhouse, deputy director of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (SPCA).

IN TERMS OF THE ETHICAL APPROACH, YOU ARE GIVING AN OPPORTUNITY FOR UNWANTED PETS TO FIND A HOME

says Dr. Fiona Woodhouse, deputy director of the SPCA

Law to protect animals

In March 2017, Hong Kong government revised the Public Health (Animals and Birds) (Trading and Breeding) Regulations, requiring every person who sells and breeds dog to obtain a Dog Breeder Licence and with a higher penalty from $2,000 to $100,000. The licence comes with a code of practice which details the arrangements for licensed premises and the care of a dog.

With stricter legislation in place, Woodhouse calls on the customers to double-check the legitimacy of breeders’ licence and avoid buying animals online. “It’s very difficult for the government to locate social media usage and private messaging,” she adds.

Dr. Fiona Woodhouse, deputy director of the SPCA

Amid worries that the licensing system would set a low bar of eligibility for home breeders as it relies on self-reporting system to let breeders judge by themselves whether they comply with the code of practice, Woodhouse says, “this licensing system is one of the targets in the world.”

Yet, Sally Anderson, founder of Hong Kong Dog Rescue (HKDR), says the AFCD is understaffed and illegal breeders are still operating as they did before.

Some states in the United States, such as California and Maryland, have passed laws to prohibit pet shops from selling dogs bred in dog breeding facilities – “puppy mills”. They can only obtain animals from breeders that meet requirements laid out in the bill. Meanwhile, the United Kingdom is also planning to ban third-party sales of puppies and kittens starting from April 2020. 

Under the new licensing regulation, the investigation unit of the AFCD has stepped up actions against illegal sales of dogs by looking for “dog for sale” advertisements on the internet and conducting regular inspections to shops selling pet accessories and offering pet-related services.

Up to December 2019, the AFCD prosecuted 72 cases of selling animals without a license out of 695 complaints.

Measures to encourage pet adoption

In a bid to encourage pet adoption, animal rights concern groups and the AFCD regularly organise events, like school seminars and holding exhibitions with celebrities. Such works have led to an increase in dog adoption from 6.4 per cent in 2010 to 17.8 per cent in 2018 and cat adoption from 12.4 per cent to 19.8 per cent, according to the Thematic Household Surveys conducted by the Census and Statistics Department. However, 34.8 per cent of dogs and 19.9 per cent of cats were still obtained from pet shops in 2018. 

“More resources should be put on education and prevention rather than giving money to the animal shelters,” Woodhouse says.

Education helps change public mindset and prioritise adoption over personal preference. “Adopters may have in mind that they want a certain breed of dog or cat. Sometimes people have preference over the colour. Age can be a factor.” Woodhouse continues. A system that helps operators to find shelters for animals is also needed as it is difficult for them to find places allowing pet owners to have a pet at home in Hong Kong.

Adoption centre at the SPCA’s headquarter in Wan Chai

The Housing Authority has forbidden public housing tenants to have pets since November 2003, unless those with permission, such as service dogs, small household pets and desexed cats. Woodhouse suggests Hong Kong can learn from Singapore’s housing policy and project ADORE (Adoption and rehoming of dogs). Each public housing household is only allowed to adopt one local crossbreed dog when it is around seven to eight months of age and has to comply with stringent ownership conditions, like sterilization and compulsory training.

Procedures for pet adoption

Hong Kong Dog Rescue Ap Lei Chau Homing Centre

Many people hesitate to adopt pets, fearing there are complicated and lengthy processes, but Anderson says, “There have to be some questions asked but there’s a limit as to what’s actually necessary.” 

 “The main thing we look for is whether the adopter has a good understanding of what a dog is, meaning that it’s an intelligent animal with emotions, feelings, and a need to be part of a family,” she stresses.

MANY PEOPLE MISS THE FACT THAT PUPPIES NEED COMPANIONSHIP, SOCIALISATION, TRAINING, AND FREQUENT MEALS TO GO UP INTO HEALTHY AND WELL-ADJUSTED ADULTS,

says Sally Anderson, founder of HKDR

Chan says she has a happy experience when she adopted Charcoal.

“We first registered by filling in forms and a home visit was also arranged later. After all these, we were allowed to pick up Charcoal from the shelter,” Chan recalls.

“The adoption procedures may bring some inconveniences as we have to arrange a time for a home visit, but I think nothing can get in your way once you are determined to adopt,” Chan says.

Edited By Howard Li
Sub-edited by Jasper Cao

Yuen Long Has Its Silver Lining

The landslide victory for the pro-democracy camp in the District Council election 2019 brings significant changes to Yuen Long.

By Kelly Yu & Isaiah Hui

Tommy Cheung Sau-yin, former spokesperson of a pro-democracy student activist group Scholarism, was elected as a district councillor in Yuen Long. Like other newly elected pan-democrats, the 26-year-old is passionate about making changes in the community he serves. 

First things first

The former student activist is also the chairperson of a working group that was formed by the pro-democracy district councillors in the first meeting of Yuen Long District Council after the vote to investigate the 7.21 incident. 

On July 21, 2019, mobs in white stormed Yuen Long MTR Station and attacked protestors returning home, passers-by and journalists indiscriminately with wooden rods and steel bars overnight. Emergency calls were made, but it took police officers 39 minutes to arrive at the scene – when the mobs had already left the scene. No arrest was made that night.   

This incident has provoked a public outcry over the accountability of the police, who is accused of failing to protect citizens and colluding with the suspected triad gangsters.

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is tommy-cheung.jpg
Tommy Cheung Sau-yin, district councillor in Yuen Long

“The government is not cooperative in investigating the incident,” Cheung complains. “Out of about 500 (suspected) gangsters, only 37 were arrested and seven were charged so far.”

Despite this, Cheung believes that forming a working group is still necessary. “It is very unlikely the government will give us a logical explanation. Yet, with the power of a working group, request for compensation and an apology are possible,” he says.

The Landslide Victory 

“The first thing we must do is to investigate 7.21 incident,” says Cheung, attributing his electoral success to his promise of probing the incident in his manifesto. Together with 32 fellow pro-democracy members in Yuen Long, Cheung has become part of the 45-member district council since the election. 

More than 2.9 million people cast their votes in the district council election held on November 24, 2019, setting a record high of 71.2 per cent turnout rate, compared with 47 per cent in 2015. The election was perceived as a referendum for Hong Kongers to voice how they felt about protest crisis which broke out in June 2019. Having gained control of 17 out of 18 districts, the pan-democrats won nearly 60 per cent of the votes and secured a total of 392 out of 452 seats.   

A shift in political power

Like many other districts, Yuen Long is now dominated by pro-democratic district councillors, with 33 out of 39 constituencies taken by pan-democrats. Cheung believes that with the pan-democrats being the majority in the district council, the policy-making process will be more efficient, and the council’s function of reflecting public opinions can be restored.

Regarding changes Cheung wants to make in Yuen Long, Cheung says he will tackle long-standing problems, such as poor hygiene and parallel trading. He says he would also like to organise town hall meetings to invite residents to take part in the policy design discussion.    

Sharing similar views with Cheung, Johnny Mak Ip-sing, the vice chairperson of Yuen Long District Council, says there was not enough public consultation in the past, citing the controversial footbridge project in the district as one example.

Left: Tommy Cheung Sau-yin ; Right: Johnny Mak Ip-sing

Under the proposed plan, the government plans to build a 540-meter-long footbridge, connecting between Long Ping Station and South of Kau Yuk Road over Yuen Long Town Nullah, a major drainage channel in the district. The district council has been discussing the plan since 2009. The project is expected to be completed in 2023 with an estimated cost of HK$1.7085 billion. Various professional groups and Yuen Long residents have criticised the footbridge project for being too costly.

Yuen Long Town Nullah

“The project was announced in the policy address…government officials all follow to please the Chief Executive just because she announced the plan,” Mak says. “The purpose of the project is to reduce the number of pedestrians crossing the road, thereby improving the traffic flow. But why shouldn’t the solution be the other way round? Instead of increasing the traffic flow, we should regulate the flow of private cars,” Mak says.

“Some sections of Yuen Long Nullah can be decked to create more road space and for people to do recreational activities,” Mak explains. “We will discuss the matter further in a working group, which was set up after we took office, for revitalizing the footbridge and the nullah, and we hope to address the matter this year.”

Joyce Lau Cheuk-kei, a 20-year-old Yuen Long resident, agrees that there was a lack of public consultation on the footbridge project. She says that the pro-government district councillors did not consider public needs at all in the past. 

“More young pro-democracy district councillors are elected. There is a change in the political climate and the community as a whole,” says Lau. She hopes more voices from different stakeholders can be heard, and she is confident that the landslide victory can resume the function of the district council which is to channel public views into government policies.

DistrictsChanges after the election in November 2019
Tuen MunUrge the government to enforce the Pleasure Grounds Regulation
Tai PoThe setup of Security and Constitutional Affairs Committee
Kwun TongSuspend the HK$0.5 billion musical fountain project
Wan ChaiForm a working group to monitor a $130 million community project

Implications from the election 

Ma Ngok, associate professor of the Department of Government and Public Administration at the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), believes the pro-establishment camp will not be able to regain public support. “The pro-government used to be the majority in district councils who have access to public resources. But they cannot do that now after losing their seats,” says Ma.

“It is impossible for her (the Chief Executive) to appoint hundreds of them (former pro-establishment district councillors) to take up positions at public offices or advisory committees. Actually, I think she is just trying to pacify them. There are not many such positions and they do not get paid. Also, most positions are occupied by the pro-establishment camp already.” Ma explains.

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is Ma-Ngok-associate-professor-of-the-Department-of-Government-and-Public-Administration-at-the-Chinese-University-of-Hong-Kong-CUHK-1.png
Ma Ngok, associate professor of the Department of Government and Public Administration at the CUHK

The political environment has led to a rise of new faces from the pan-democratic side. “This is what I have observed – political awakening brought by the district council election. The election was highly political, as the public voted with a political cause in mind,” Ma continues.

But Ma believes the momentum will have little impact in the coming Legislative Council election. “Unlike district council election, the legislative council election allocates seats with proportional representation and I can only foresee a slight win for the pan-democratic camp.” 

THE LANDSLIDE VICTORY PROBABLY WILL NOT HAPPEN AGAIN IN THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTION

concludes Ma.

Edited by Howard Li
Sub-edited by Lambert Siu

Earning A Living In Fear

Despite lasting social unrest and the Covid-19 outbreak, domestic helpers are staying in Hong Kong to support their families.

By Patricia Ricafort

Hama, an Indonesian domestic helper recalls being pulled and interrogated by a masked stranger after getting off a bus. “He pulled me over and asked me where I was from, where I lived. I didn’t answer him…I was frightened and confused,” Hama, who declines to reveal her full name, says.

She had this horrible experience when an anti-extradition bill protest was happening nearby.

Holiday fright

Since June 2019, demonstrations have escalated into a much wider and prolonged anti-government movement in Hong Kong. The protests first started to go against the extradition bill, and protestors then stated their five demands including setting up an independent commission to investigate police brutality and dual universal suffrage.

Hama is gathering with her friends at Victoria Park on a day off.

Hama, who works in Pok Fu Lam, is concerned about the continued social unrest in Hong Kong. “I am worried that I won’t be able to return home when clashes happen,” she says. She used to feel safe to go “yum cha” on Sundays with her employers but she stays at her employer’s home more often now.

Some of her friends working in Aberdeen are so scared that they have stopped going to the Victoria Park on their days off. “They have friends who got injured accidentally when protests broke out,” Hama says.

Victoria Park is less crowded than usual on Sunday.

Similar stories can be heard from other domestic helpers. A Filipino domestic helper who reveals her name as Liza, says, “I know someone had to sleep in a church because there was no transport back to their employers’ homes.”

Tear gas was fired during rallies in Central, where many migrant workers gathered to enjoy their days off. As the “Be-Water” strategy adopted by protestors encourages spontaneous protests in different districts in Hong Kong, domestic helpers are often affected by protests.

Migrant workers at Central before tear gas was fired on January 19, 2020.

Tebia-Bonifacio, Chairperson of Gabriela Hong Kong, an alliance of women’s organisations supporting migrant Filipino workers, explains migrant workers usually go to Central to make some money and meet their friends on Sundays. As the protests usually happen in the afternoon, Tebia-Bonifacio says helpers still go out in the morning but leave earlier. “They make sure by noon, they move out of Central.”

The outbreak of the novel coronavirus has further restricted domestic helpers from having holidays as usual. “Because of current Covid-19, many domestic workers are not allowed to have holidays by their employers, especially (since the release of the) Hong Kong Labour Department statement encouraging employers not to allow their helpers to go out,” says Tebia-Bonifacio.

The statement released by the Labour Department on January 30 requests domestic helpers to stay at home on their day off. “The government appeals to FDHs (foreign domestic helpers) to stay home for rest on their rest day as far as possible, and to stay away from crowds on public transport or at public places. At the same time, employers must not require FDHs to work on their rest day,” the statement reads. 

Tebia-Bonifcaio estimated that around 20% of the members from Gabriela Hong Kong are forbidden from taking their days off on February 6, 2020. “Some domestic helpers are asked to do some work, but some of them can rest in their rooms,” she says.

Feeling the pinch

Apart from personal security and health concerns, some domestic helpers have become unemployed because their employers decide to leave Hong Kong due to the social unrest.

Liza knows around 10 people who encountered this. She estimates that around four of them were unable to find a new job before their visa expired and were therefore forced to return to the Philippines.

“Cases of domestic workers being severely affected by the protests would be domestic helpers who have lost their jobs because their employers have lost their jobs or have decided to go back to their home countries during the protests,” says Rey Asis, program coordinator of the Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM), an NGO which supports migrant workers’ rights in Hong Kong.

HelperPlace, an online employment platform for foreign domestic workers, also observes an increasing number of jobless foreign domestic helpers.

Mark Silva, community manager of the group, says, “There are a lot of expats moving out of Hong Kong because of the unstable situation. So when these expats return to the UK, or go back to Singapore, or any countries where they come from, they leave their helpers with no job. This is a situation that we call ‘terminated due to relocation’,” he adds.

“From our statistics, we have a lot of helpers available and needing jobs but we do not have enough employers to hire them,” Silva says. “For these past months, if you ask me what’s the effect of the current situation in Hong Kong, the effect is that we have a lot of helpers losing jobs and needing jobs but we don’t have employers to hire them. The number of helpers (looking for work) is increasing,” she says.

In August 2019, the Department of Labour and Employment under the Republic of the Philippines considered imposing a ban on worker deployment to Hong Kong due to the social unrest. Yet, most Filipinos did not consider leaving Hong Kong.

A survey conducted by HelperChoice, which interviewed 982 Filipino domestic helpers in Hong Kong last year found 97 per cent of the respondents would not consider relocating or going back to the Philippines.

The coronavirus outbreak which began in Wuhan also causes more job losses among domestic helpers.

Filipino migrant organizations commemorating the International Working Women’s Day. (Photo courtesy of Gabriela Hong Kong)

On February 2, 2020 the Philippine Consulate General in Hong Kong announced a temporary ban on Filipinos from traveling to China, including Hong Kong and Macau. “Since the travel ban has been imposed by the Filipino government, workers, students and Hong Kong Filipino residents are now banned from going back to Hong Kong, so the possibility of losing their job is now the problem,” says Tebia-Bonifacio.

Gabriela Hong Kong reported 30 cases of migrant workers stranded in the Philippines on February 6, 2020.

The grass isn’t greener

Even with the current social unrest, many domestic helpers are reluctant to quit their jobs and leave Hong Kong. Many domestic workers are the primary breadwinners in their families.

“If (migrant workers) lose their jobs, they also lose the capacity to support their families back home. This is why even in times of difficulties during their employment, they cannot go back home right away,” Tebia-Bonifacio says.

“The only reason why I took the job of domestic worker is because there is no other opportunity”

Shiela Tebia-Bonifacio

Domestic workers working aboard have a much higher chance earning better income than working in their home countries. Tebia-Bonifacio shares that even incomes of professional positions in domestic workers’ home countries are less lucrative than domestic work in Hong Kong. “For a full-time professional teacher in the Philippines, the salary of a domestic worker is much higher than what the full-time teachers in the Philippines would earn,” she says. In 2019, the average monthly salary of Elementary and High School Teachers in Public Schools in the Philippines is PhP$19,600 or around HK$3,000.

Tebia-Bonifacio had been working as a full-time teacher in the Philippines for three years before working here in Hong Kong as a domestic helper. “The only reason why I took the job of domestic worker is because there is no other opportunity. For a poor family like mine with no connections in the government, it is very hard to get a job that has a decent salary,” she explains.

Though employment opportunities are available in other countries, many foreign domestic workers still prefer working in Hong Kong. “There are a lot of workers in Singapore, Middle East and Malaysia – these helpers actually registered on the (HelperPlace) platform and they wanted to work in Hong Kong. For these workers from the Philippines, they prefer to work in Hong Kong for the reason that the salary is higher and the freedom to have a rest day once a week,” says Silva.

Welfare of Domestic helpers in Hong Kong and Singapore

Working location Hong Kong Singapore
Minimum Allowable
wage
HK$4,639 per month No minimum wage*
Day off One day off per week** Exchangeable for an
extra payment

*Statistics from HelperPlace reveal that wages for domestic workers start from SG$500 or HK$2,880 per month in Singapore.
**Under Hong Kong’s Employment Ordinance, employers are required to grant domestic helpers one day off per week. Employers are not allowed to request their helpers to work on rest days except in cases of unforeseen emergencies in Hong Kong.

In 2018, 386,075 foreign domestic helpers worked in Hong Kong, according to figures from the Census and Statistics Department. Most of them were from the Philippines and Indonesia.

Despite the unstable situation in Hong Kong, the number of Filipino domestic helpers increased from 210,897 in December 2018 to 219,915 in November 2019, according to the Philippine Consulate General in Hong Kong.

“The common sentiment of migrant workers right now is if their employers are willing to keep them, they are willing to stay,” says Tebia-Bonifacio.

Edited by Ariel Lai
Sub-edited by Tiffany Chong

Live the Life You Want

More people value quality lifestyle over material success and social status

By Charlie Yip

How many people regret spending their whole life on doing things they do not like with low salary and satisfaction instead of devoting their lifetime to chase after dreams or achieve goals? 

The concept of life goals has changed when fulfilling basic needs in life is no longer a difficult achievement in modern society. People are no longer satisfied with three stable meals a day or a roof over their heads. Many people are now pursuing “quality lifestyle” that can hardly be defined by money but going after desires and fantasies — be them their hobbies, dreams or passion. Some people dare to escape from the old-fashioned nine-to-five job and turn their thoughts into reality. 

Retiring Early

Retired at the age of 19, Hillman Chan, founder of the Dreamwork team, has enjoyed quality lifestyle that he has life controlled in his hands. His business on multi-level marketing of health-related products generates passive income to support his daily expenses. Chan introduces himself as a person who only worked 19 months in his whole life. He has already retired for more than 30 years.

Chan and his wife celebrated Dreamwork office opening. (Photo courtesy: Chan)

 “I had decided not to work before I started working,” Chan says. He loathes following social norms and craves for a life that allows him to travel and accompany his family. He defines quality lifestyle as being able to have full control over one’s own time and do things that are worth spending time on within one’s own financial capacity. 

Chan believes it is the correct decision as it grants him countless unforgettable moments. “I witnessed how my youngest daughter learned to ride a bicycle and swim, and I can watch my kids growing up,” the father of three says. 

Meaning of Success

Chan is not alone in his pursuit for quality lifestyle. Shalom Lam, currently a Year three student majoring in Economics and Finance at the University of Hong Kong, strives to retire when she graduates by building up her business project. 

“There is a great difference between success and achievements. Most people strive for achievements, but I am not convinced that achievements add meanings to your life,” Lam says. She believes success is living a life she wishes and being able to inspire others. This includes being an influential person in interpersonal relationships and family.

Most people strive for achievements, but I am not convinced that achievements add meanings to your life.

Shalom Lam, a Year three student majoring in Economics and Finance at the University of Hong Kong

Lam cites an example of a typical “successful person”, who was a senior student of her department and became regional vice-president of a company at the age of 25. “He has a serious health problem recently. Yet, he is not willing to take sick leave because his position at the company may be threatened when he is away. He still works until midnight every day. This tells me high salary does not necessarily bring happiness,” Lam sighs. 

Lam (right two, first row) and her business partners had a training about their business. (Photo courtesy: Lam)

To Lam, success is not merely defined by money or job title but also by how much time and freedom one has. “What is the point of earning millions a year but not having any free time and a healthy body to spend it?” Lam adds.

Lam is longing to be an influential person who can inspire others with her experience, but not simply to have a well-paid job. “It is meaningful if my story can inspire others or encourage them to dream about their future,” Lam says. 

Work-life Balance 

Setting up a start-up business is certainly not the sole path to quality lifestyle. People working full time can also enjoy balance between career and emotional satisfaction.

Luk enjoys playing water sports in her leisure time. (Photo courtesy: Luk)

Mill Luk, executive director of a prominent communications design and production listed company, thinks she is able to strike a healthy work-life balance. Despite her busy schedule, she still manages to find time to travel with her husband and children, does volunteer work and plays water sports and ball games with her besties.

 “The definition of quality lifestyle varies among people. I consider it as a lifestyle of knowing how to take care of yourself before handling other matters. Quality lifestyle is how you manage time for your family, health, social life and entertainment. At the same time, you can choose how you want to live your life,” Luk says. 

Being a member of a company’s senior management and earning a fortune is generally regarded as success. But this is not the case for Luk. “Only a few people are successful. So it is inappropriate to interpret success from the majorities’ point of view. Many successful figures may not have lucrative income. But they are successful in giving meanings to others’ lives,” Luk says.

Many successful figures may not have lucrative income. But they are successful in giving meanings to others’ lives.

Mill Luk, executive director of a communications design and production listed company

She believes everyone has the right to pursue their own quality lifestyle. The only determining factor is whether their dreams are indispensable enough to be realised. “If you believe work-life balance is your ultimate life goal, you must have good time management to achieve your goal,” Luk says.

Luk visited an orphanage in Cambodia for voluntary services. (Photo courtesy: Luk)

Asked whether the three interviewees would encourage youngsters to step out of the box and chase for quality lifestyle that they want, they unanimously mention the same term — delay gratification. “Youngsters ought to discover their life goals. I encourage them to plan their personalised quality time while learning,” Luk suggests.

Edited by Tiffany Chong
Sub-edited by Cynthia Sit

Love Shaped by Colours

By Gloria Wei

Ongoing protests affect dating lives as different political views cause conflicts between lovers.

Politics is everywhere. It affects a society in many aspects including romantic relationships. Lovers are supposed to stand by each other, but can they still support each other when they have opposing political views?

How dating is affected by politics?

“The division has put us on the edge of breaking up,” says Ruye Xia. She finds a relationship crisis brewing. They had endless fights triggered by different views on the anti-ELAB movement in Hong Kong.

Xia, a Year 2 student studying at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, has been in a relationship for three years with Naiq Xu, who studies in China.

Xia feels helpless when she tries to persuade her lover to understand the reasons behind the movement. Her boyfriend also refuses to communicate with her.

Xu, says being indifferent to politics, the lovers mostly chatted about food and gossips about others rather than politics. “What bothers me the most is her suffocating attitude, but not the difference in political views,” he says.  

Apart from having arguments with families and friends, many young lovers in the city are struggling in their romantic relationships which have turned stormy due to politics. More and more people reckon political stances as one of the crucial factors in judging their partners –“Yellow”: being on the side of pro-democracy protesters, “Blue”: being on the side of the pro-establishment.

Finley, a Year 2 university student who declines to reveal her full identity, shares a similar experience. She broke up with her German boyfriend Josh because of continuous quarrels over the social unrest in Hong Kong. Josh thinks actions taken by the Hong Kong Police Force are justified, as police shooting is common in the United States.

Finley thinks it is absurd to compare the situation in Hong Kong with that in the USA, where cultural and social contexts are very different in terms of police brutality and abuse of power by frontline police officers.

Yet when asked whether the conflict led to the end of their relationship, Finley denied without a doubt. “I asked for break-up because I want to be alone”, she says, “I hate being obliged to stay with someone just because he is my boyfriend when I am in a relationship.”

While some lovers quarrel and break up because of different political views, some also fall in love because of politics.

Max Zhang, a 20-year-old Chinese student who came to Hong Kong to study two years ago, met her girlfriend, who prefers to be called Winnie, because of their political views. They met at a political event.

Before they met, Winnie was isolated by her friends due to her choice of being a ‘blue ribbon’. Her friends leave comments such as ‘Cold-blooded’ and ‘Get Out of HK’ on her Facebook account. The lonely girl went to a political activity held by a blue camp group. Participants sang patriotic songs to celebrate the 70th anniversary of People’s Republic of China. She met Zhang there and thought of Zhang as her Mr Right who fully understood her.

Yet, it takes more than sharing the same political view to maintain a relationship. Max and Winnie broke up a month later. Both of them realize that they do not know each other very well.

Lovers have quarrels because of their opposing political views.

Chin Ming-hui, assistant professor from the School of Psychology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, points out that the social movement merely reveals problems that have long existed between lovers, such as forcing opinions on others.

“The opposing political views cause conflicts between lovers, but they are usually not the real and main cause. Even if without the protest, the latent contradiction will erupt someday,” he says.

Ways to cope with romance problems – Respect and communication

To maintain a healthy relationship, Chin thinks respect is the key. Chin thinks it is hard for couples to be like two identical leaves, looking for a spouse that shares same thoughts and views. The difference in political opinions is as natural as that in dining habits. “Don’t be charged emotionally and magnify any distinction”, he says, “especially when facing politics, a complex question with more than two options.”

Chin advises couples to divert to other topics instead of drowning in the swamp of protests. ‘Excessive repetition will diffuse negative energy, putting the two under much pressure. Try digesting the emotion independently and stop drawing comfort from others. Sometimes stopping is going ahead,’ he adds.

Despite their different political views, Addrina Zhang, a 19-year-old university student studying in Hong Kong, gets along well with his boyfriend Suntoo, who studies in Canada, by following principles similar to Chin’s advice.

Zhang believes that the social unrest brings them closer by teaching them how to deal with frictions. At the beginning, they also argued for the same issue about the unrest when it first broke, but soon they figured out solutions to deal with arguments.

“Every time when signs of conflicts emerge, we always put them aside temporarily,” Zhang says, “perhaps we will think the same way several months later.”

Edited by Kayi Tsang
Sub-edited by Wayne Chang

“Heartmade” Handmade Paper

A Handmade paper maker finds a new way to advocate green lifestyle.

By Coco Zhang

It is easy to buy paper in Hong Kong, but Because Yeung still prefers making her own paper. She learnt the craft when studying at Hong Kong Art School (HKAS). She now makes green wedding cards and offers paper-making workshops to promote green lifestyle.

Thanks to her green production concept and tailor-made design, Yeung is able to sustain her business by making handmade wedding invitation cards using recycled offcuts from local paper mills. “It is trendy for young people to have a green wedding to spread green message and that’s why they come to me,” says Yeung, “They want handmade invitation cards which are made from recyclable materials.” 

The material of these wedding invitation cards is handmade paper

Apart from making wedding invitation cards, Yeung also organises workshops to promote green lifestyle. She teaches participants how to turn a common waste like milk cartons into usable handmade paper by showing them how to separate plastic films from the cartons. “The best way to persuade people to save paper is to let them do it and see how hard-won it is,” says Yeung. 

Although more and more people are adopting a paperless lifestyle and relying on electronic devices, Yeung still makes paper because she believes paper is irreplaceable. She says the thickness of a book can influence readers’ experience and its texture can help you immerse in the story. “Paper raises the temperature of reading,” says Yeung.

Make paper from scratch

Yeung’s love affair with handmade paper started when she was studying in Hong Kong Art School (HKAS). At that time, the campus had just relocated in the rural area and she was assigned to design a poster to celebrate the 10th anniversary for the school.

Wandering around the new campus, Yeung was inspired by the surrounding environment. She decided to create an artwork featuring the natural environment around the campus. 

The paper available in the market is too thin and its texture is too smooth to fulfil her aesthetic requirement. “There is really no choice but to do it by myself,” says Yeung. There was no paper-making course available in Hong Kong seven years ago, so she learnt it by watching clips on YouTube.

“I like the state of paper when it’s in the water, which resembles the clouds in the sky, ”says Yeung, “The paper pulp is high in plasticity and I like its plasticity and freedom.”

The handmade paper is made of recycled paper

Turn hobby to her career

Yeung had never thought about turning her hobby into a career until she was invited to hold a paper-making workshop in HKAS’s open day. The event was a turning point in Yeung’s life – she started thinking about setting up a studio to make handmade paper or books.

Yeung was a full-time designer in an advertising company back then. She decided to quit her job and start her own paper-making business. “You never know whether you have made the right decision until you get a result,” says Yeung, “You won’t succeed if you don’t take action.”

“You won’t succeed if you don’t take action.”

Introduced by her friends, she went to Taiwan to learn traditional paper-making techniques from a paper-making family. She received a systematic training from planting mulberry trees to selecting raw materials.

Though Yeung is happy that she can turn her interest into a career, she feels confused sometimes. When making paper, she needs to stand for hours and sometimes up to five hours a day, especially when she is loaded with many orders from her clients. Long hours of repetitive work annoys her. “I don’t want to be a machine,” she says.

Yeung believes that one has to be very careful and attentive during the process of paper-making. The products in some way can reflect the mentality of the maker. There were times when she found the paper she made was fragile. “I asked myself why I didn’t enjoy it when the hobby became my career. And I found it was because my mindset changed,” she says.

Yeung keeps reminding herself why she started making paper in the first place — it is to enjoy the process. She tries to focus better when making paper by putting her phone aside. “It’s more like ‘heart-made paper’ instead of ‘handmade paper’,” she says.

“It’s more like ‘heart-made paper’ instead of ‘handmade paper’.”

Because Yeung founded her own business Somood

Yeung named her studio “Somood” because its pronunciation resembles Cantonese “水木” (meaning “water and wood” ), which are the major raw materials for making paper. She also finds that Somood is a Muslim name (Arabic writing: صمود), which means “steadfastness” and “firmness”. Yeung says that such coincidence perhaps explains why she falls in love with handmade paper and turns it into her career.

Edited by Jasper Cao
Subedited by Emilie Lui

Let’s Come Out and Do Sports!

Dennis Philipse brings LGBTQ’s Gay Games for the first time to Hong Kong, hoping sports can connect people together.

By Lynne Rao

On October 30, 2017 at Hôtel de Ville in Paris, the deputy mayor of Paris announced Hong Kong won the bid to host Gay Games in 2022.

“It was amazing. Everybody was super excited,” Dennis Philipse, co-chair of the Gay Games 11 Hong Kong 2022 team, says when recalling the night his team won the bid.

The 47-year-old Dutch, who has been living in Hong Kong since 2010, devotes himself to making preparation for the Gay Games HK 2022 and serving Hong Kong’s LGBTQ community.

Dennis Philipse receiving our interview.

Originated in San Francisco in 1982, Gay Games is a global sports competition held every four years and perceived to be the Olympic Games for LGBTQs. Back in 1998, when visiting the Gay Games held in Amsterdam, the young Philipse was impressed by the event.

“There were so many people, so many spectators and so many things going on… You could feel what was happening,” he says, “People from all over the world came together for sports. That’s quite unique.”

Gay Games has only been held in western countries since it was founded. Philipse had an idea of bringing the Gay Games to Hong Kong in 2014. He then started a campaign to fight for the right of hosting the game. 

Core members of the organising committee of the Gay Games Hong Kong 2022. Photo courtesy: Dennis Philipse.

Working with a team of 15 people and 40 volunteers in the campaign, Philipse spent six months preparing a 300-page bid proposal and a presentation to convince the game committee that Hong Kong was the perfect candidate to host the game.  

Hong Kong beat 10 strong competitors, including Washington DC and San Francisco, and won the bid to host the Gay Games 2022. The biggest difficulty Philipse and his team faced was to explain the event to the public. “People have no idea about how big it is and how important this is for Hong Kong,” he says.

The successful story is actually closely related to an LGBTQ community he founded and his love for outdoor activities.

Set up an LGBTQ Community

Philipse observes that many people do not like mingling with friends in clubs or bars. He opened a Facebook page – Out in HK in 2014 and began organising sports activities with his friends every week from then on with connection he made on social media platforms. The activities include trail running, swimming, tennis and so on. 

He hopes by founding the group, members of the LGBTQ can meet new faces. “If you go to bar or club, it’s very loud and noisy and difficult to talk to people,” says he, “If you go hiking, it is easy to make friends because when somebody gets cramps or falls, people help each other.”

“If you go hiking, it is easy to make friends because when somebody gets cramps or falls, people help each other.”

“There are several sport groups in Hong Kong but those are usually very exclusive. Out in HK is a community for everybody to join. It’s more visible,” says Philipse.

He believes that sports can help people keep fit and build connections. Some LGBTQ people even found their lovers when taking part in the sports activities. 

Participants of Out in HK go hiking. Photo courtesy: Dennis Philipse

Out in Hong Kong is now one of the biggest LGBTQ communities in Hong Kong with more than 6000 members. Philipse incubated the organizing team of Gay Games 2022 through this group and is using it as an important platform for promotion.

“It’s nice to bring people together,” Philipse says, “People who come the first time for the events like this and they keep coming. It’s really important.” 

Philipse believes that playing sports is important for physical and mental health. He embraces challenges by participating in Hong Kong 100 Ultra Trail Race, a 100km trail running challenge in Hong Kong, twice and completing the race once in 22 hours. “If you run for a long time like 24 hours, you are on your own,” he says, “It’s a mental game.”

“If you run for a long time like 24 hours, you are on your own. It’s a mental game.”

Get Ready for 2022

Gay Games 2022 is still in “the developing stage”. Philipse and his teammates have deployed multiple media channels to promote it in Asia. They expect the game to attract 12,000 LGBTQ athletes and 75,000 spectators. 

“Because it’s the first time the game comes to Asia, many people have not heard about it,” says Philipse, “We really need to explain what it is and why people should join it.”

Philipse is now working in a technology company, and plans to quit the job to dedicate himself to the big event, though he has not yet thought about other ways to make a living.

Philipse points out that as the degree of acceptance of LGBTQ communities in Asia isn’t as high as that of western countries, many people hide their sexual orientation. 

By organizing sports events for the LGBTQ community, Philipse wants to change public’s view on homosexuality. “It’s quite hard if you can’t bring your whole self to work or home,” says Philipse, “Hiding half of yourself is an emotional burden.” 

“Gay Games is about education… being LGBT is normal,” he adds. 

Edited by Jasper Cao
Sub-edited by Howard Li